The movement, which began while the country hosted the Commonwealth Games, initially demanded the resignation of Malaysia's then-Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and for the end of the Barisan Nasional-led (BN) government.

It was not until 11 March 2014 that controversial Democratic Action Party (DAP) political speaker Hew Kuan Yao confirmed on Facebook that the phrase "烈火莫熄" was his.

Hew Kuan Yao said that on the eve of the Mid-Autumn Festival in 1998 , when he was the political secretary of then opposition leader Lim Kit Siang , he received a group of executive members from the Chinese Language Society of the University Science Malaysia .

[11][12][13] On the evening of the Mid-Autumn Festival on October 5, 1998, about 200 Anwar supporters held lanterns with the words "烈火莫熄" written on them and marched peacefully in front of the Merdeka Square in Kuala Lumpur.

[17] After the slogan on the lantern slips was published, the translation of "烈火莫熄"(Pinyin:Lièhuǒ mò xī) was homophonic with the Malay word " reformasi ", which also had the profound meaning of "fire of reform is not over yet".

The difficulty in doing so, particularly without recourse to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – the then prime minister, Tun Dr. Mahathir forbade such an abnegation of sovereignty – which have led to debates on proper policy approaches and an increased awareness of the country's vulnerability to outside economic forces.

[20] Before his arrest on 20 September, Anwar travelled across the country, giving huge crowds public lectures on justice, the prevalence of cronyism and corruption, the urgency for social safety nets and so on.

These groups controlled an expansive grassroots network and were able to garner tens of thousands of mostly Malay youths to support Anwar's cause and his calls for Reformasi.

[21] Demonstrations intensified by the surrounding actions against Anwar - his arrest at gunpoint, assault by the chief of police, widely publicized sexual allegations against him,[22][21][23] and his highly controversial court cases.

Police dispersed protesters with the use of tear gas, chemically-laced water and bludgeons, and publicised photographs and lists in the mainstream press of people wanted for interrogation.

Even before charges were laid, Mahathir explained in graphic detail – repeated in stunningly explicit lead articles and banner headlines in the press – that his deputy was guilty of adultery, sodomy, and was trying to cover up evidences of his trysts.

For 18 days he toured the country, giving extremely well attended public lectures on justice, the purported evils of Mahathirism, the prevalence of cronyism and corruption, the needs for social safety nets and the urgency to reform.

As the Royal Commission of Inquiry concluded in March 1999, Anwar had been beaten in the custody by Rahim Noor, the then Inspector General of Police (IGP) and was later found guilty of assault and jailed for two months in 2000.

[citation needed] For a time, these followers held massive weekend street demonstrations, mostly in Kuala Lumpur but also occasionally in Penang and other cities, for "keadilan" (justice) and against Mahathir.

At the 1998 APEC Summit in Kuala Lumpur, Al Gore, gave a speech supporting Anwar and the Reformasi movement in front of the Prime Minister of Malaysia and other Asia-Pacific premiers.

"[27] In September 1998, Mahathir experienced his first international snub when the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) withdrew its invitation to the Prime Minister to be a keynote speaker at one of its meetings.

Both coalitions focused on human rights and good governance, including repeal of unjust laws, expunging corruption, press freedom, judicial independence and social justice, although Anwar and the ISA dominated Gerak's Agenda.

Before entering UMNO, Anwar had been a student activist, then headed Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) in the 1970s, making strident calls for Islamicisation and Malay-language education.

Mahathir claimed that Anwar and his supporters were guilty of corruption and cronyism and that he had led the country to the brink of economic disaster by following the wishes of the IMF.

A concert of attacks followed, including a claim made by a Time magazine article that Mahathir has funnelled a $250 million loan to his son through political party connections.

For many people the events that preceded 1998 might be just another reminder of what had happened about two decades ago: a struggle for power between elements of the governing elite over who will get to lead the nation and shape it.

This early period pitted a group of "young Turks" including Mahathir in wanting to cause rapid social change against an "old guard" of disparate forces of feudal nationalists and individuals whose fortunes were tied to the institutional vestiges of the "old system".

The result forced Tengku Razaleigh to leave UMNO and set up his own Semangat '46 party, which formed an electoral collaboration with PAS and the largely Chinese DAP to compete in the 1990 elections.

All support Keadilan (justice), but with varying rationales, so that when members of the different kinds of NGOs co-operate, it is often in their alternate roles as party or electoral coalition workers.

The launch of Keadilan puts to rest months of speculation about whether Wan Azizah and Anwar would merely remain in Adil, join PAS, or try to stage a coup against UMNO.

In June 1999, PAS, Keadilan, DAP and Parti Rakyat Malaysia(PRM) announced their plans to contest as Barisan Alternatif(BA).

These activists came both from advocacy groups, such as Aliran, Suaram, All Women's Action Society(AWAM), and from mass Islamic organizations, such as ABIM and JIM.

[24] By the time Abdullah Badawi took over in October 2003, the excitement generated by the formation of the Barisan Alternatif and its performance in the November 1999 election had started to fade.

[50] His influence caused PAS to open its membership to non-Muslims in 2006 and Anwar's call to end the thirty-six-year-old New Economic Policy caught the attention and support of the non-Malays.

In encouraging true multiracial, Reformasi leaders advocated adoption of a unified political culture, in which all subsets of citizens in a Bangsa Malaysia Malaysian Nation will pursue a broader and nonexclusive goal.