[7] Further investigation by the same commission has turned up links between the men who shot Rosenberg and those who killed Marjorie and Khalil Musa.

[16] Khalil Musa had been nominated by members of President Colom's government to serve on the board of Guatemala's Banrural (Rural Development) bank.

[17]The airing of the video at Rosenberg's funeral, then uploaded to YouTube and broadcast on national television, precipitated a political crisis in Guatemala.

Protesters demonstrated in Guatemala City's Central Plaza, and opponents urged president Colom to step down from office.

[19] In an interview with CNN Español, Colom asserted the Rosenberg video was "completely fake",[20] thus challenging early reports from the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), which validated its authenticity.

[22] At least one blogger, Jean Anleu Fernández, was arrested on charges of "inciting financial panic" after he urged readers to withdraw deposits from Banrural.

[27] In August, 2010, the Constitutional Court rejected the vice president's complaint on the grounds that the columnist was "protected by the right to freedom of thought".

According to the CICIG, he was convinced the government had killed Marjorie, but lacked the evidence required to pursue the matter in court.

Lucas Santiago's testimony in court about Paz Mejía's role in the killing, the threats and bribery were ignored and the original sentence increased for not collaborating.

[42][43] Journalists were taken in the first lady's, Sandra Torres', helicopter by Salvador Gandara, the minister of Gobernación, the state ministry in charge of security matters, to hear the witness make his declaration.

This is the same band that Castresana declared to have had a history of murder, drug trafficking, money laundering, kidnapping and extortion,[13] one of whom later admitted to lying under oath.

The check didn't have either Rosenberg's or Valdés' name on it, but was, according to Carlos Castresana, the payment for the killing, three days after the murder.

[13] Eventually, the band members, several of them ex-policemen, testified one by one that they had been paid Q300,000, the equivalent in dollars to the check supposedly sent by Luis Alejos.

One exception was the only alleged intermediary in custody, Jesus Manuel Cardona Medina, who refused to admit for a long time that they had been paid more than Q50,000.

[51] Unlike Paz Mejía, the man who pulled the trigger in this operation, Cardona Medina was found guilty and never freed from jail, although he did receive a reduction in his prison term.

He drove for him, was his bodyguard and was even front man for some of his businesses, such as Landosa Digital, S.A.[53] The store receipt had his name on it; he was recorded on video in the place and time the phone was purchased.

Aside from López Florián, there were over 300 policemen involved in the case, close to a dozen officials from the Guatemalan Public Ministry, and several CICIG investigators[13] any of whom, at one time or another, could have had access to the records, especially before the suicide theory was settled on, nine months after the murder.

[13] "On 8 September 2009, the Fiscalía listened to a conversation in which Santos Divas was warned by another member of the band that López had made a document telling about the Rosenberg crime and left it with a general in the Army who would make it public if anything happened to him."

[54] Rodrigo Rosenberg spoke by cell phone with López Florián two minutes before he left his apartment that fateful morning, and told him he was going out for a bike ride.

Castresana alleged, but gave no proof other than the telecommunications expert's testimony on the cell-phone's supposed location on that morning, that this information was given by Rosenberg himself.

[13] López Florián called Rodrigo's son while close to the scene of the crime, shortly after the murder, to inform him of his father's death.

[37] The CICIG, however, was at the scene of the crime, together with the vice-minister of Gobernación[55] very shortly after Rosenberg's death, while his body still lay in situ.

[57][58] On 10 August 2011, his son, Eduardo Rosenberg Paiz, made the following comment: "We don't care about the final conclusions that a failed system of justice makes about his death," denying that his father's purpose had been to overthrow a particular government, but to "turn our Republic into a State of Rule of Law, where governors and governed obey the law and where no crime can remain unpunished.

"[59] In September, 2010, María Encarnación Mejia, interim attorney general for the CICIG, declared that seven of the 11 people who participated in the murder of Marjorie and Khalil Musa were involved in the killing of Rodrigo Rosenberg.

Instead of answering, he looked around and pointed to Luis Orozco, an official of the CICIG, the United Nations International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala.

Cardona was imprisoned in a maximum security prison, completely isolated, unable to see the light of day or to communicate with anyone during almost three years, precisely because of his reluctance to continue collaborating with what he called a show.

Lea Marie de León was killed on one of the principal boulevards of Guatemala City during the day of February 2013.