The CCF emerged as a dominant force in provincial politics under the leadership of Tommy Douglas, forming five consecutive majority governments from 1944 through 1964.

[5] The SGGA represented an early expression of western alienation, and took issue with an economic system that appeared to favour capitalists in central Canada.

Organized labour, meanwhile, existed in the province but, largely dependent on the expanding agricultural economy, tended to find itself following the lead of farmers.

[8][9] The new group was opposed to participating in electoral politics and favoured cooperative development, while building a closer relationship with organized labour.

[11] The same year, Farmer-Labour participated in the founding conference of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in Calgary, a new national party under the banner of "Farmer-Labour-Socialist", which had a significant social gospel influence.

[12] Farmer-Labour first participated in the 1934 provincial election and won five seats, becoming the Official Opposition to the Liberals, who returned to government with a large majority.

[11] Williams was seen by moderates as too radical; while the party doubled its seat count in the 1938 election and maintained its place as the Opposition, its popular support was actually lower than in 1934.

[16] Douglas and the CCF swept to power In the 1944 election, winning 47 of 52 seats to form the first socialist government in Canada or the United States.

[18] From the outset, the Douglas government demonstrated a commitment to promoting public, cooperative, and private enterprise as it embarked on an ambitious modernizing program.

[19] The new government immediately enacted extensive reforms: in its first sixteen months in office, it passed 192 bills, created numerous new government departments and crown corporations as it expanded the role of the state in the provincial economy—including in the realms of insurance (SGI), utilities (SPC), and transportation (STC)—and approved new labour relations, public service, and farm security acts.

Overall, the government placed a heavy emphasis on improving the quality of life of Saskatchewan residents, and on ensuring equal access to high standards of welfare, education, and health services.

[22][23] To manage and pay for these kinds of innovations, the Douglas government placed a heavy emphasis on a robust and professional civil service.

As a result, the government managed to achieve surplus budgets throughout much of the 1950s, providing a stronger economic base from which to further expand its welfare state.

Despite a concerted attempt to defeat the controversial Medical Care Insurance Act, the strike eventually collapsed and the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Saskatchewan agreed to the alterations and terms of the "Saskatoon Agreement".

Woodrow Lloyd, a key Douglas cabinet minister, succeeded him as party leader and premier, and completed the implementation of Medicare.

[28] The change was controversial, in part because it broke with a rich tradition, and also because the merger with organized labour that it represented raised concerns that the party was abandoning its agrarian roots.

Largely an expression of the "New Left", part of the 1960s counterculture movement, the Waffle advocated for a return to the party's socialist roots, including through the nationalization of key industries; it was particularly concerned with American control of the Canadian economy.

The platform promised greater government intervention in the economy and a focus on equitable social programming, along with support for organized labour.

[36] However, the Blakeney government also created a Department of the Environment, introduced environmental assessment standards, and held public inquiries into resource projects.

The NDP also introduced progressive reforms to taxation and labour law, and expanded healthcare programs including new prescription drug and dental plans.

Alongside Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed, Blakeney negotiated the recognition of provincial rights over natural resources, which were enshrined in Section 92A of the Constitution.

Winning just nine seats outside of Regina and Saskatoon, the election emphasized how much had changed for a party that had begun as a voice for rural discontent.

[44] Spending cuts included downsizing rural healthcare and schooling as well as agricultural support, further entrenching the growing urban-rural divide in provincial politics.

The NDP's 29 seats were one shy of a majority, and the party was forced to rely on the support of three elected Liberal MLAs to form government.

[49] The perceived front runner was Chris Axworthy, a former NDP MP and current MLA who was serving as justice minister under Romanow.

[51] Much of this new social spending was made possible by a renewed boom in commodity prices, which led to significant increases in resource revenue for the province.

The new leader made a concerted effort to moderate the Opposition's image, shifting away from social conservative policies and arguing that it was the best party to manage the booming economy.

The ensuing leadership race included former deputy premier Dwain Lingenfelter, Moose Jaw MLA Deb Higgins, former party president and Regina lawyer Yens Pedersen, and Saskatoon doctor Ryan Meili.

Ahead of the 2024 provincial election, polls showed the NDP leading the Saskatchewan Party as they waged a campaign focusing on healthcare, education, and the cost of living.

[73] The first significant moderation to the overarching CCF platform came with the 1956 Winnipeg Declaration, which downplayed socialism in embracing a mixed-economy model, which the party had done in practice in Saskatchewan since forming government.