Since first being elected to a majority government in 2007, the Saskatchewan Party has enjoyed a run of electoral success not seen in the province since the days of Tommy Douglas's Co-operative Commonwealth Federation.

The party took power at a time of soaring natural resource prices, which helped to spur economic and population growth.

A downturn in resource prices beginning in 2014 created challenges for the province's economy, and in the years since the provincial debt has reached historic levels.

Under Wall's early leadership, the SP was considered to be a centre-right party, albeit one with a neoliberal and Christian conservative basis.

[8] Under the leadership of Bill Boyd, the PCs lost nearly half of their vote share in 1995 compared to 1991, and the party was reduced to five MLAs.

[9] The New Democratic Party (NDP) under Roy Romanow took power in 1991, and rapidly addressed the fiscal crisis, balancing the province's finances by 1995.

The new leader stated that while people "know I have the best interests of the agriculture industry and rural Saskatchewan at heart because that's where I still live", the new party was "not anti-urban.

[16] Under Hermanson, the party put forward an ambitious fiscal conservative platform, calling for major corporate and income tax cuts.

In the 2007 provincial election on November 7, the Saskatchewan Party won 38 seats to form a majority government, making Wall the province's 14th premier.

[28] By all accounts, the Saskatchewan Party formed government at an opportune time, inheriting a strong economy buoyed by still-rising commodity prices, including oil, potash, and agricultural products.

[32] Wall's government also immediately introduced labour reforms with two bills in 2007, with one restricting unionization and the other the right to strike for more than 65,000 workers deemed to be working in "essential services".

[35] In 2010, Wall and his government rose to national prominence for their opposition to a proposed takeover of Saskatoon-based PotashCorp—the world's largest potash producer—by Australian mining company BHP.

It sold its 49% share of SaskFerco, a significant nitrogen fertilizer producer; it began contracting out SaskTel and internal information technology services; it instructed crowns to divest of out-of-province holdings and investments; it introduced SaskBuilds to pursue public-private partnerships on infrastructure development; and it began introducing limited private-sector involvement in the healthcare system.

[43][44] In the 2011 provincial election, Wall and the Saskatchewan Party won a landslide victory, winning 49 of 58 seats and more than 60% of the popular vote—the highest share in the province's history.

[46] It was also during this term that Justin Trudeau's Liberals formed a majority federal government, which led to frequent clashes between Regina and Ottawa.

Shortly after the new federal government announced a plan to bring 25,000 Syrian refugees to Canada, Wall wrote to Trudeau and asked him to suspend the program, citing security concerns.

[50] The Party was faced with major challenges early in this term, including a significant scandal involving questionable land deals during the development of the Global Transportation Hub, an inland port outside of Regina.

[46] The Saskatchewan Party responded with a severe austerity budget in 2017—which ran the sixth deficit out of ten budgets since 2007—introducing expansions to the provincial sales tax and cuts to spending in a wide range of areas, including education, social services, libraries—the only cuts the province reversed in response to public protests—and grants to municipalities.

[67] The Saskatchewan Party government led the province's response to the COVID-19 pandemic, rejecting an early call for the establishment of an all-party committee, including non-partisan experts.

[69] By early 2022, Moe was vocal in his support of people protesting public health mandates, including the convoy that occupied downtown Ottawa.

The latter was founded and first led by former Saskatchewan Party MLA Nadine Wilson, who resigned from the caucus after it was revealed that she lied about her COVID vaccination status.

[80] Moreover, Moe has publicly entertained conspiracy theories, including stating at a town hall meeting that he would "do some more work looking into" concerns about chemtrails.

[85] That majority was reduced from seventeen seats to three by a resurgent NDP, which achieved its best electoral performance since 2003 in taking all of Regina's districts and all but one in Saskatoon.

"[95] Early on, the party also pursued policies that were not strictly traditionally conservative, including an opposition to a foreign takeover of Saskatoon-based PotashCorp, earning the government a reputation as "pragmatic".

[100][101][102][103] Moreover, observers have noted that the party in recent years appears to be increasingly influenced by trends found in American conservative and far-right movements, including through its tendency to promote "culture wars", or issues with stark ideological contrasts.

[95] Political scientist Charles Smith has argued that this position has been somewhat tempered by strong Saskatchewan traditions of supporting crown corporations and unionization.

[80] During the 2024 provincial election, Moe announced his intent to immediately enact rules requiring school students to use the changing rooms that correspond to their biological sex.

[116][117] The Saskatchewan Party has favoured investment in technology to achieve greenhouse gas emissions reductions, including carbon capture and small modular nuclear reactors.

[66] The province has challenged federal efforts at regulating the environment and resource development, including the carbon tax and environmental assessments.

[citation needed] Warren Steinley and Corey Tochor are Conservative MPs who previously served as Saskatchewan Party MLAs.