It entails a recurring pattern of incidents over time, as opposed to isolated conflicts, and typically manifests in situations where there exists an imbalance of power or strength among the individuals involved.
[8][9][10] Other findings indicate that motor, attention, and reading problems predict later persistent antisocial conduct in boys.
[13] Additionally, exposure to violence on television[14][15] and, to a lesser extent, violent video games[16] has been linked to heightened aggressiveness in children.
One line of research, led by Straus, suggests that parental corporal punishment heightens the risk of aggressive behavior in children and adolescents.
[19][20] Nonetheless, a comprehensive meta-analysis of numerous studies on corporal punishment suggests that it leads to unfavorable outcomes for children and young people.
[21] The most methodologically sound studies demonstrate a "positive, moderately sized association between parental corporal punishment and children's aggression".
[12][24] Short-term longitudinal evidence supports the idea that a lack of social cognitive skills mediates the relationship between harsh parental discipline and aggressive behavior in kindergarten.
Communities with high rates of crime and drug use teach youth the violent behaviors that are carried into schools.
[12][29][30][31] Children in violent neighborhoods tend to perceive that their communities are risky, and that these feelings of vulnerability carry over to the school environment.
[6][10] Research has shown that poverty and high population densities are associated with higher rates of school violence.
[37] Alternatively, many children who grow up in violent neighborhoods learn to deliberately find and make "street-oriented" friends as an instrumental tactic used to avoid being victimized.
[8][40] The research by Hirschi[26] and others,[13][27][28] cited above in the section on the home environment, is also consistent with the view that lack of attachment to school is associated with increased risk of antisocial conduct.
These mechanisms could be internal to the schools themselves or external, encompassing governmental hotlines, internet-based reporting systems, and involvement from the police and justice sectors.
When formulating questions for children, UNESCO argues that it is imperative to use terminology that is easily understandable, age-appropriate and culturally sensitive.
This ensures that the queries are comprehensible and relevant to the target audience, taking into account their developmental stage and cultural context.
[1][page needed] In many countries, strict regulations govern research involving children due to their status as minors who are unable to provide legal consent.
Moreover, investigating matters concerning sexual orientation and gender identity within the realm of education, specifically in relation to children, presents additional challenges.
Even in cases where it is legally permissible, addressing issues related to sexual orientation and gender identity/orientation in education with children and young people is regarded as highly sensitive.
Considerations of ethical implications arise, as engaging children and young people in discussions regarding their sexual orientation and gender identity in a school setting may lead to embarrassment and expose them to potential stigma and discrimination.
[65] To mitigate these concerns, UNESCO argues that questions regarding sexual orientation and gender identity should be handled with care and recommends that inquiries be conducted under confidentiality and anonymity, external to the school environment.
[65] According to UNESCO, these considerations surrounding legal regulations, the potential for distressing children when discussing violence, and the sensitivity surrounding sexual orientation and gender identity underscore the need for researchers to exercise caution and adhere to ethical guidelines when conducting studies involving children and young people.