Remains of this latter campsite show that in spring and early summer, the people came here to hunt land and sea mammals, such as deer, elk, and seals and, to a lesser extent, to fish for salmon, stickleback, eulachon, and sturgeon and to gather shellfish.
Their lives depended on their success at harvesting the resources of the land and the rivers through fishing, foraging, and hunting.
Xexá:ls (transformers) fixed the world ("made it right") and the people and animals in it, creating the present landscape.
As Carlson notes: The Stó꞉lō walk simultaneously through both spiritual and physical realms of this landscape, connected to the Creator through the land itself, as transformed by Xexá:ls.
[3]There is a continuous record of occupation of S'ólh Téméxw by First Nations people dating from the early Holocene period, 5,000 to 10,000 years ago.
One striking feature of this period is the introduction of permanent house sites, showing evidence of cultural transmission from a nomadic to a more sedentary lifestyle between 5,000 and 4,000 years ago.
Among the oldest archaeological digs in Canada is Xá:ytem, at Hatzic, just east of present-day Mission.
Initial work on a suburban housing project around a transformer stone aroused the interests of Stó꞉lō archaeologist, Gordon Mohs.
The site was eventually abandoned and covered by flooding and sediment during the ongoing evolution of the Fraser delta.
[3] Although Captains José María Narváez of Spain and George Vancouver of England explored the Georgia Strait in 1791 and 1792, respectively, they did not reach the Fraser River or Stó꞉lō territory.
The first is that the disease came up from Mexico spreading with overland travelers, the second and more likely theory is that it was brought to the coast through trade routes with Europeans.
Other practices included cleansing sweats and cold morning baths which would have shocked the infected person’s body causing more harm.
[4] Although deadly smallpox epidemics broke out at least once more (and possibly in 1824 and 1862), it was, however, only one of a number of serious diseases that would be brought to the area by European colonizers.
The fort repelled an attack by the Euclataws of Quadra Island, helping to bring an end to slave raids on the lower Fraser by northern tribes.
He hoped to have Stó꞉lō pre-empt crown land for agricultural development and have them lease out parts of the reserves to non-Aboriginal farmers to aid in assimilation.
[4] While waiting to be able to negotiate treaties, which were a very expensive process, he attempted to create large Indian reserves of at least 40 hectares per family.
In the years following these events the federal and provincial governments have paid very little attention to the problems that First Nations people have been experiencing in British Columbia.
In 1990 British Columbia acknowledged that Aboriginal rights to land and resources needed to be extinguished by treaty as stated in the 1763 Royal Proclamation.
[5] Opened in 1863 as a school of boys housing 42 students in its first year[6] a girls section was added in 1868, but was split off and operated by the Sisters of St.
Terry Glavin writes that in the 1800s, there was no corporal punishment at all, but in later periods strapping became routine, and for some students, conditions were nightmarish.
[5] The Mission Indian Friendship Centre in 2001 provided funds to build a covered picnic shelter in the park.
[5] The park is also home to the OMI cemetery where nun, students land and buildings of government–nun school were initially leased to the Coqualeetza Training Centre after 1985.
The land formally regained its Stó꞉lō name of pekw’xe: yles (Peckquaylis) and it is used by 21 different first nations governments.
With a lack of opportunity to speak ʼeméylem in their environment and inability to go home in most cases, students in attendance at residential schools frequently lost their language.
As the Stó꞉lō people, like other Aboriginal groups, consider their language to be an important aspect of their culture, there have been efforts made to revitalize Halq'eméylem.
[9] Coast Salish towns and villages were located along the waterways in watersheds, both for access to water for cooking and drinking, and for salmon fishing.
If the ceremony was not performed and the fish not shared it was said that the fisher would experience bad luck for the rest of the year and the salmon run may not be as strong.
[4] A person's family status was important in determining their role within Stó꞉lō society, and within Longhouse ceremonies, though this has faded over time.
[4] In the late nineteenth century, the emphasis on water transportation was replaced first by horse and buggy, then by train and automobile.
A pubescent girl would be brought to a pit lined with cedar boughs and told to remain there during daylight hours, leaving only to eat and sleep.