[4] He attended the Sigismund Augustus Gymnasium in Vilnius (1922–1928)[2] and joined the Sodality of Our Lady and the Union of Polish Youth Przyszłość [pl] during his studies.

[11] In 1937, he defended his doctoral thesis entitled Fault and Causal Connection in the Development of Criminal Law, written under the supervision of Bronisław Wróblewski [pl].

[13] In 1938, he obtained the position of senior volunteer assistant at the Department of Criminal Law at Vilnius University (headed by Bronisław Wróblewski), but immediately (in June 1938) went on a one-year scholarship to Paris.

[15] In September 1939, he replaced Józef Święcicki [pl] as the editor-in-chief of Kurier Wileński, but after the Soviet troops entered Poland, he left for Riga with his friend Antoni Gołubiew.

[19] After leaving the seminary, he became a close collaborator and then a member of the editorial team of Tygodnik Powszechny; during this time, he advocated for seeking compromise with the communist authorities and taking into account political realities.

He also emphasized the necessity of building strong spiritual, cultural, and intellectual foundations, providing Catholicism with the opportunity for long-term development.

[29][30] Stanisław Stomma subsequently defended his position in an article titled On Apparent Maximization and Imagined Defeatism, published in Tygodnik Powszechny on 20 April 1947.

[34] In another joint article titled The Polish Experiment, published in Tygodnik Powszechny on 3 February 1952, they positively responded to the State-Church agreement [pl] of 14 April 1950, suggesting that the apolitical stance of Catholics entails the necessity of loyalty to the state.

[35] Faced with escalating anti-Church policies and censorship interference in May 1952, he, along with Jerzy Turowicz and Jacek Woźniakowski [pl], appealed for the continued publication of Tygodnik Powszechny, declaring the possibility of supporting some aspects of the government's policies (such as economic issues, combating German nationalism and revisionism, alliance with the USSR), but on the condition of maintaining autonomy in non-political matters.

[49] He demanded that the Polish government be the expression of the real aspirations of the people and, in the economic sphere, called for breaking away from doctrinairism and for social control over the economy.

[54][55] In his first parliamentary speech, he stressed that despite ideological differences and "unpleasant past experiences", Catholic deputies shared overarching national goals, including the ideal of a sovereign and just Poland.

[69] In his first parliamentary speech, he affirmed the achievements of the Polish People's Republic, accusing lower levels of administration of discriminating against believers; however, he emphasized hope for the growth of democracy in Poland and the socialist bloc.

[70] Despite the deteriorating relations between the state and the Catholic Church, he continued to seek possibilities for compromise, unsuccessfully urging Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński to do so.

He advocated for a "socially constructive" attitude instead of "hostile neutrality"[71] and stressed the importance of organic work, including the need to develop the spiritual and intellectual formation of youth.

[74] He was fascinated by the Second Vatican Council,[75] but later critically assessed the post-council period, pointing to a strong crisis in the Catholic Church caused, among other things, by materialistic tendencies and consumerism erasing the religious element.

[85] In Sejm, he publicly criticized the lack of progress in the processes of democratization, persecution of the Catholic Church, and excessive censorship interference, emphasizing that national unity cannot be equated with uniformity.

[89][90] Along with other members of the caucus, he submitted a parliamentary interpellation in March 1968 in defense of university students who were victims of "brutal police action", which led to attacks formulated in Sejm.

Janusz Zabłocki suggested that Konstanty Łubieński [pl] should become the new chairman, and the only supporter of Stanisław Stomma remained Tadeusz Mazowiecki.

[98] His political contacts with the authorities of the Edward Gierek era were also weaker than before (other members of the group, Janusz Zabłocki and Konstanty Łubieński, were in better standing).

[107] In the late 1970s, he maintained a distance from opposition activities[108] but befriended Adam Michnik, whom he regarded as the wisest Polish politician of the time.

[110] During the events of August 1980, he joined a petition addressed to the communist authorities, signed by 64 scientists, writers, and journalists, calling for dialogue with striking workers.

[112] In the autumn of 1981, he was a signatory to two open letters addressed to the authorities of the Polish People's Republic, urging them to seek unity and dialogue.

While highlighting the government's responsibility for the difficult economic situation, the letters also emphasized the necessity of respecting the alliance with the Soviet Union.

[119] In the autumn of 1983, at the request of the church authorities, he participated in negotiations with the government regarding the fate of the leaders of Solidarity and the Committee for Social Self-Defense KOR awaiting trial.

[120] At the end of his term in the Primate's Social Council in December 1984, he became involved in the activities of the informal Dziekania Political Thought Club, of which he became the chairman.

[124][125] In 1988, he took over Dziekania as a legally operating association aimed at creating a platform for cooperation among various independent circles characterized by realism and moderation in political and social aspirations.

[127] In the spring of 1989, he participated on the opposition side in the proceedings of the Polish Round Table Agreement – in plenary sessions and in the work of the political reform group.

[129] On 4 July 1989, as the senior marshal, he chaired the inaugural session of the first term of the Senate,[130] at that time belonging to the Citizens' Parliamentary Club [pl].

[139] He opposed lustration and putting Wojciech Jaruzelski on trial before the State Tribunal, defending the essence of the Round Table Agreement.

[140] Until the mid-1990s, he participated in bodies related to shaping foreign policy, including meetings of the Atlantic Club and the Euro-Atlantic Association [pl].