Raja Sir Tanjore Madhava Rao, KCSI (20 November 1828[1] – 4 April 1891), also known as Sir Madhava Rao Thanjavurkar or simply as Madhavarao Tanjorkar, was an Indian statesman, civil servant, administrator and politician who served as the Diwan of Travancore from 1857 to 1872, Indore from 1873 to 1875 and Baroda from 1875 to 1882.

[3][4][5] Madhava Rao was born in a prominent family of Deshastha Brahmins of Kumbakonam in 1828 and had his education in Madras.

[6] After serving for two years in the Madras civil service, Madhava Rao was appointed tutor to the princes of Travancore.

In his later life, Madhava Rao actively participated in politics and was one of the early pioneers of the Indian National Congress.

As a student, Madhava Rao was diligent and careful and strong in mathematics and science, and had as his tutor C. V. Runganada Sastri.

Not long after promulgating his infamous Doctrine of Lapse, Lord Dalhousie was looking forward to annexe Travancore too under this pretext.

At this juncture, the Raja of Travancore Uthram Thirunal chose Madhava Rao to negotiate a deal with the British government which he did successfully.

The Maharajah had already taken a loan from the Sri Padmanabhaswamy Temple of Trivandrum and adding the subsidy to be paid to the British Government, the state of affairs was bad enough to deter anyone from taking up the post of Dewan.

He also drew up State papers on special subjects such as Boundary disputes, trade reports and so on and started maintaining records of every department.

Madhava Rao served as Diwan from 1873 to 1875, during which he commenced the drafting of the Indian Penal Code and wrote minutes on the opium question and the extension of railways in Indore.

During his tenure as Diwan-Regent, Madhava Rao also effectively re-organized the army, schools, courts of law and libraries.

Many British civil servants in India who held positions within Indian princely states were disgusted by the total arbitrary power and laws of the Maharajas and Nawabs.

In 1872, the retired Chief Commissioner of Mysore, Lewin Bentham Bowring had written in his memoir, Eastern Experience, that those who sympathise most with Native States, and who have seen how they are administered, are conscious of the great risk to which their stability is subjected by idle or headstrong rulers seeking to set aside all law, and to act on the impulse of the moment.

Rao included this in his writing to the Viceroy, Francis Napier in March 1872, about the need for the implementation of a written constitution in princely states requesting “a system of fundamental principles, derived from the advanced political wisdom of Europe” while “carefully adapted to the conditions of the Native society” for the princely states.

Thus, no bad law can issue unless the Sovereign, the Dewan, the British Resident, and the Darbar all fail in their duty, a combination not likely to happen.

I have framed this provision in reference to the following clause in the Bill of Rights or Declaration, delivered by English Lords and Commons to the Prince and Princess of Orange, 13 February 1688, namely, “that the pretended power of suspending of laws or the execution of laws by regal authority without consent of Parliament is illegal.” If such provision is required in England itself it is á fortiori[*] required in Oriental States, where there is a perpetual impatience of restraint and constant tendency to arbitrary rule.

In short, a character of fixity will be imparted to all existing laws, and a guarantee established that they shall not be altered, or in any manner interfered with, except for a really good and approved purpose.

Lord Northbrook who did not want to upset the loyal princely states of India after the harrowing experience of revolt of 1857 decided to ignore the plea by Robert Phayre to remove the Maharajah.

While Alexander Rogers said that “he had been shown the draft of a Constitution drawn up by an eminent Native Statesman (Sir Madhav Rao) of great experience” which he believed will work in India if some changes are made according to the Indian context.

(The Baroda Crisis) Lord Northbrook then unwillingly appointed Sir Madhav Rao as the next dewan of Vadodara.

But, Lord Northbrook also gave strict instructions to Sir Madhav Rao to restrict himself to administrative and economic reforms only.

But, Lord Rippon also backtracked from the reforms when he faced strong opposition from the new Maharaja of Vadodra, Sayajirao Gaekwad.

While delivering the inaugural address during the 1887 session, Madhava Rao described the Indian National Congress as ..the soundest triumph of British administration and a crown of glory to the great British nation.However, at the same time, he warned that The great experience of Europe has shown that representative government contains mucnh good and much evil.

In introducing it into India, therefore, responsible British statesmen have to exercise great care and caution, that the good is produced and evil is excluded.

It is absolutely necessary to take measures gradually, and tentativelyOn June 2, 1883, he wrote the article – “Native Political Development” in Times of India.

Nothing really would be a more disastrous calamity to India than the English should abandon her before she become to take care of herself.Madhava Rao resigned from the Standing Committee in 1889 due to differences with other members over the resolution passed on reformed legislative councils.

Like many others sincerely wishing for the country's good, he hailed at first the idea of Congress, as a mean of political enlightment for the people and, as a true and sober interpreter of the voice of the people, and like many others his sympathies alienated from it, when he perceived that it had a tendency to assume the character of a political crusade.In his later years, Madhava Rao strove to reform the educational system.

[25][26] In 1885, at the request of the then Governor of Madras, Mountstuart Elphinstone Grant-Duff, Madhava Rao presided over the Malabar Land Tenure Commission.

[27] Madhava Rao took a liking for British sociologist and political theorist Herbert Spencer and spent the last days of his life studying his works.