[24] These kings established a "federal" system of governance, granting each tribe or province a degree of autonomy while maintaining military and economic subordination to the kingdom, primarily through tax payments.

[26] This catastrophic event caused widespread flooding of the surrounding villages, cities, and farms, forcing the population to migrate both internally and externally to nearby and distant regions.

[citation needed] Saif bin Dhi Yazan Al-Himyari, a prominent noble of Himyar, sought assistance from the Persians to expel the Abyssinians from Yemen.

[35] During this time, Muhammad dispatched Mu'adh ibn Jabal to Yemen and established the Al-Jund Mosque in Taiz, located on the lands of Al-Sukun and Al-Sakasik, which were part of the Kingdom of Kinda.

Al-Ash'ath married Farwa bint Abi Quhafa after being freed by Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, which upset Uyaynah ibn Muhsin, as his similar plight did not result in such an alliance.

It was nominally subordinate to the caliphate in Baghdad, and its influence extended from Hilli bin Yaqoub south of Mecca, passing through Michalaf Jerash (Asir), and even to Aden.

[128] Meanwhile, the State of Banu Yaafar, founded by Yafar bin Abd al-Rahman al-Hawali (a Himyari),[129] was established in 847 in Sanaa, covering the surrounding countryside, Al-Jawf, and the mountainous region between Saada and Taiz.

"[195] Yafi' is a tribe belonging to Himyar bin Saba',[196][197][198] and their land was known in the texts of Al-Musnad as "Dahs" or "Dahsam," later named after them during the era of the Upper Yafa Sultanate.

However, unlike the northern regions of the country, the revolution and the expulsion of the colonizer did not strengthen the influence of the tribes; instead, it increased their weakness and disintegration, with minor differences from one southern governorate to another.

It served as an organization for managing collectively owned natural resources, a military unit responsible for defending its members and affiliated individuals or groups, and a social system that regulated relationships within the community.

Those who joined voluntarily through fraternization were granted equal status with the tribe’s original members, provided they contributed to its defense and paid the required "fine" (a form of tribute or obligation).

[226] Lower social classes included craftsmen and artisans, such as the Muzayna (circumcisers, barbers, and cuppers), the Qashamen (vegetable sellers and owners of stalls and carts), and the Dawasheen (those who recited welcome poems and sang Al-Zamil).

Their duties include collecting zakat, implementing directives issued by higher-ranking leaders, summoning individuals for tribal obligations, documenting agreements, and supervising tasks such as the distribution of irrigation water, among other responsibilities.

In contrast to the marginalized status of Jews and other minority groups, Yemeni society also includes individuals of Turkish and Persian origins, who have generally been better integrated into the social fabric.

One notable attempt to include the Muhamasheen in the political process was during the Yemeni National Dialogue Conference, where a representative, Noman Al-Hudhaifi,[253] was appointed to speak on their behalf.

[258] After Captain Stafford Haines occupied Aden on 19 January 1839, he implemented a policy aimed at inciting inter-tribal conflicts to minimize the need for a substantial British military presence.

In August 1971, the government resigned, with Prime Minister Ahmed Mohamed Noman citing the administration's inability to fulfill its obligations due to the excessive depletion of the state budget by tribal sheikhs.

President al-Hamdi overthrew Judge Abd al-Rahman al-Iryani by strategically persuading tribal leaders and temporarily leveraging their influence, recognizing their power on the ground.

[273] He held a summit with countries of the Red Sea Basin, initiated discussions with Salem Rabie Ali, the President of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, on Yemeni unity, and secured arms deals with France.

In the absence of strong state institutions, the political elite under Saleh formed a cooperative governance model, where competing interests were managed through an implicit acceptance of the resulting balance of power.

[280] According to WikiLeaks document 05SANAA1352_a,[281] both General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar and Yahya Muhammad Abdullah Saleh were implicated in using military tankers to smuggle diesel into Yemeni and Saudi markets.

[285] Within Yemen's tribal communities, there is a deep-rooted desire for independence from the government, driven by the belief that the patronage system offers better benefits than submission to state institutions.

[287] Ali Abdullah Saleh worked to weaken and fragment the influential middle class, strengthening the position of patriarchal pastoral forces represented by tribal sheikhs in rural areas.

Ali Abdullah Saleh effectively balanced the relationship between the state and tribes through his policy of "dancing on the heads of snakes," which involved integrating tribal leaders and elites into governance by tying them to him through an extensive patronage system.

[303][304] The army’s reliance on tribal militias has historically stemmed not only from its own weaknesses but also from its desire to engage and contain the tribes during wars and battles, ensuring they do not side with opposing forces.

In exchange for the militias’ support during the regime's wars in the late 20th century, tribal sheikhs were rewarded with money, land, vehicles, real estate, and military or administrative ranks within the state's apparatus.

[310][311] Tribal leaders often attribute their influence, particularly in underdeveloped areas like Radaa and Ma'rib, to the lack of infrastructure, the government’s deliberate marginalization of these regions, and the state’s inability to establish security and stability.

[312] Since the 1960s, Hashid sheikhs with close ties to the Saudi ruling family have been receiving substantial monthly payments, amounting to $60–80 million annually, as noted by Dr. Gregory Gause, a professor of international relations at the University of Vermont, USA.

The Irish researcher Fred Halliday noted that President Ibrahim al-Hamdi's defining feature was his rejection of foreign interference in Yemen's internal affairs.

However, this did not eliminate Saudi Arabia's relationships with "southern Yemeni" groups hostile to the Socialist Party, particularly the sultans and sheikhdoms that existed prior to the October 14 Revolution.