Tuncay Güney

[8] Around the same time, while attending secondary school (Turkish: orta ikinci sınıf), Güney met the Welfare Party's mayor of Kağıthane, Arif Calban.

Güney counters that he spent more time attending Tarabya Kemal Atatürk high school of Bedrettin Dalan's İstek Foundation.

Social Security Institution (Turkish: Sosyal Güvenlik Kurumu) records show that he received a monthly salary of approximately 65,500 lira in 1988 when he started; twice the minimum wage.

His boss, Behiç Kılıç, related an incident in which Güney brought the U.S. ambassador, Robert Pearson, to the office after the publication of an article about the U.S. arming of Iraqi Kurds.

Initially operating in the Reactionary Activities Department (Turkish: Gerici Faaliyetler Şubesi) (i.e., countering religious fundamentalism), Güney was transferred to the Iran station in 1992.

He set up a car registration racket with a financial budget non-commissioned officer (Turkish: maliye astsubayı) he had met in Kars, called Murat Oğuz.

The vehicle was originally a gift from a retired police officer named Ümit Bavbek to Veli Küçük in return for his and Güney's support in "settling" a debt with Semih Tufan Gülaltay, the convicted killer of human rights activist Akın Birdal.

[8] His friend and Ergenekon suspect, Ümit Oğuztan, testified that he had stayed briefly at the Taksim apartment; a three-floor property Güney had allegedly bought from Matild Manukyan on 29 May 2000.

[33]) In 2004 he obtained political asylum and moved to Toronto, Canada,[1] supposedly with the help of the owner of the hotel he was staying in Manhattan, a Mehmet Özbay from Urfa.

Güney initially sought asylum for sexual discrimination, stating that his circumstances were "exceptional"; however, the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada concluded that he was an ordinary applicant.

[2][3]) During the 28 November episode, Güney was asked about his religious identity and Jacob's House Synagogue, his MİT affiliation, his trips to Iran, and his pension benefits.

[42] According to the chairman of the Social Security Ministry (Turkish: Çalışma ve Sosyal Güvenlik Bakanı), Faruk Çelik, Güney was compensated from 1 March 1986 to 1 October 1992, when he completed his secondary education.

[9] Güney's identity was not revealed until the chief prosecutor of the Ergenekon investigation, Zekeriya Öz, requested his file from the MİT during the sixteenth hearing, in November 2008.

[49][50] His boss at the newspaper Akşam, Behiç Kılıç, said Güney stole pictures from the archives which were used to create a widely circulated composite of prime minister Mesut Yılmaz and notorious criminal Abdullah Çatlı.

[8] In response to the Sabah article purportedly revealing his identity (see below for a dissenting view), the MİT immediately issued a press release, albeit an ambiguous one.

[10] He approached Küçük as a journalist, who sent him as a member of JITEM to spy on Massoud Barzani, Jalal Talabani and the leader of Hezbullah, Hüseyin Velioğlu.

This request was submitted to State Security Court (DGM) chief prosecutor Aykut Cengiz Engin (who announced the Ergenekon case).

[62] In January 2004, the Ergenekon documents seized from Güney were found in a depot belonging Saçan located in Gazi Osman Paşa, Istanbul.

[65] Saçan's statements in defense of Ergenekon detainee Oktay Yıldırım (the person whose grenades in Ümraniye officially launched the investigation) have gone on record.

[69] Ergenekon defendant Doğu Perinçek said that the content of Güney's testimony in 2001 was irrelevant to his crime (racketeering) and that the whole affair was a ruse by the CIA to entrap himself, his party, and Turkey.

Nuh Gönültaş at Bugün wrote about some interesting information from supreme Ergenekon weirdo, Tuncay Güney, in a piece titled "Where are JITEM's acid death wells?"

Güney, who first disclosed Ergenekon and has become a legend, has an important nine-year relationship with Veli Küçük, who was the deep paşa of the 1990s.Güney claims that thousands of Kurdish citizens, who were killed by JITEM as extrajudicial victims for harboring PKK’s secrets, were thrown into acid-filled wells, in which their corpses dissolved.

[74] The complaint was initially made by the head of the Şırnak Bar Association, based on the book by Faruk Arslan, mentioned in the Nuh Gönultaş piece.

[8][20] After leaving his post at Milliyet, Güney spent his weekends talking to the manager of the Boğaziçi Kırklar boys' dormitory in Gültepe, which he says is affiliated with the sect.

[8] Through the Cağaloğlu manager of the newspaper Zaman's classifieds section, he found employment at Işık Prodüksiyon on 1 March 1994, a production company that works with Samanyolu TV.

[81] Azad was officially the Iran Consulate's political affairs undersecretary,[82] but allegedly also a member the Iranian branch of Operation Gladio, MOD.

[87] While working for Milliyet, Güney expressed his interest in converting to Christianity and learning English in the United States to a Protestant priest in Turkey.

[89] In response to a question from the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, the Turkish consul said that ten-year "R B1/B2" visas are normally issued "to people providing solid guarantee of returning to Turkey".

[96] However, journalists investigated his background and raised several concerns: Finally, Canadian immigration officials do not question the religious qualifications of visa applicants.

The name Güney goes by in Canada is the same as the person who was convicted in absentia with Canadian citizen Mohammed el-Attar (now jailed in Egypt) for being spies for Israel.