Ukrainian Workers' Party of Romania

Closely linked to the Worker-Peasant Bloc, a front for the banned Communist Party of Romania (PCR), Vyzvolennia gained significant traction in the 1930 and 1931 elections.

Founded in November 1918 as part of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine (KP(b)U), the KPB operated clandestinely and went through a period of stagnation before being reactivated by mid 1925.

[14][13] Approximately 1,000 Ukrainian members, led by Stasiuk, Halytskyi, Karl Terletskyi, and Vasyl Hotynchan, aligned themselves with the Worker-Peasant Bloc (BMȚ), a front organisation for banned PCR.

[15][16] The conference elected a central committee of 21 members, chaired by M. Kovalchuk, and appointed Ivan Stasiuk as secretary and editor of the party’s newspaper, Borets (Ukrainian: Борець, "The Fighter").

[22][23][24] According to National Liberal politician Gheorghe Vântu, the party's success could be attributed to widespread unemployment and the prevailing lawlessness in Bukovina under the PNȚ regime, as well as to propaganda by "foreign elements.

Thus, in a March 1929 issue of Înainte, the PCR welcomed it as a party fighting for the economic and social liberation of Ukrainian workers from the "yoke of Romanian boyars",[20][21] while the Executive Committee of the Communist International endorsed its activity in an August 1930 resolution.

[25][3][21] According to Romanian police reports, the creation of Vyzvolennia was also welcomed by Ukrainian émigré organisations in North America, which formed a committee to provide financial support to the party.

By 1931, the police identified Ukrainian left-wing organisations in North America—particularly in Winnipeg, Canada—and the local section of the International Red Aid as the party’s primary sources of funding.

[26] In 1929, Vyzvolennia played a prominent role in organising a May Day rally in the public park of Cernăuți, which drew up to 12,000 participants and effectively paralysed the city.

[27][28] While the Romanian secret police (Siguranța) confiscated 661 copies of Borets "containing subversive propaganda" before the event, the party successfully distributed the newspaper during other occasions, such as its November 1929 issue commemorating the October Revolution.

On 24 December 1929, the police raided Vyzvolennia's headquarters again, arresting three members and conducting house searches that uncovered three hunting rifles, communist and socialist literature, and articles intended for publication in Înainte and Borets.

[30] In preparation for the 1930 local elections, which took place in late February and early March, Vyzvolennia issued two manifestos: one independently and another jointly with the Worker-Peasant Bloc.

The independent manifesto focused on practical measures for peasants, including state assistance with seeds, machinery, and livestock, interest-free loans, and relief for those affected by natural disasters.

Specific demands included an eight-hour workday, affordable housing for the poor, free medical care, and better infrastructure for workers' suburbs, such as lighting, sewage systems, and water supply.

[32] During the elections, Vyzvolennia secured councillor positions in several villages, including Verbăuți (Verbivtsi), Iurcăuți (Yurkivtsi), Babin (Babyn) and Ianăuți (Ivanivtsi) [uk].

Accusing the councillors of "conducting subversive propaganda directed against state and public order," the government dissolved the councils and arrested most of their members by 10 March 1930.

[33][35][24] In June 1930, the chief prosecutor dropped charges against A. Melnik and Vasyl Rusnak, and by July, the tribunal acquitted the remaining accused due to a lack of evidence.

Vyzvolennia began to show signs of revival in November 1930,[39] with its activities expanding further in 1931 after Ivan Stasiuk was released from prison in June, following an amnesty granted on the occasion of the anniversary of King Carol II's return to the throne.

To maintain the party’s Ukrainian orientation while accommodating these new recruits—primarily drawn from the dissolved Unitary trade unions and the Jewish youth organisation Morgenrot—Vyzvolennia established the Spartak sports association.

This strategy enabled the party to extend its influence beyond its original base in Cernăuți and into other parts of Bukovina, though it had limited success in the southern regions, where the population was predominantly Romanian.

[25] Despite the challenges, Vyzvolennia, with the support of the regional PCR committee led by Halytskyi,[42] managed to field candidates in three counties of northern Bukovina, including Cernăuți, during the 1931 Romanian general election.

The Bloc's electoral manifesto called for a determined struggle against both overt and covert fascist rule, opposed preparations for an anti-Soviet war, and promoted the self-determination of national minorities, including their right to secession.

[23] Another wave of repression followed: by 30 June 1931, 253 party activists, including all candidates and their registered supporters, were brought to trial and sentenced to prison terms ranging from several months to five years.

[42] Despite the repression, in a report to the Central Committee of KP(b)U in November 1931, Semen Halytskyi noted that the communists had completed a campaign to rebuild and reactivate Vyzvolennia that autumn.

The central leadership also shifted the party’s focus, assigning Vyzvolennia the task of promoting the Ukrainian national question, while leaving social issues to local PCR cells.

According to Romanian historian Florin-Răzvan Mihai, the poor results stemmed partly from the peasants’ lack of interest in political engagement, as they were more concerned with agricultural work.

The bureau was tasked with rebuilding the party’s structure, convening a regional conference, and reactivating branches and affiliated groups across all organisational levels.

[20][16][24] Vyzvolennia also championed cultural and linguistic rights for Ukrainians, criticising Romanianisation policies and demanding the establishment of Ukrainian-language schools in Bukovina.

[29][34] Similarly, the Romanian Social Democrats (PSD) were accused of betraying minority interests by aligning with the government’s stance on Ukrainian schools, effectively delaying their establishment while existing ones faced encroachment and Romanianisation.

[34] Vyzvolennia's critique extended to Ukrainian nationalist newspapers such as Chas, Ridny Krai, and Khliborobska Pratsa, accusing them of opportunism and pandering to whoever paid them better.