He participated in the Estates General of 1588 as a ligueur aligned representative and fled from Blois after the king executed the leader of the Catholic ligue in a royal coup in December.

[16] After Urbain adopted the mantle of bishop of Comminges, the Spanish king Felipe II ceased his efforts to peel off the Val d'Aran into the bishopric of Urgell in addition to his plans to introduce the Inquisition in Aran.

[19][16] The bishop worked to court the Spanish members of his flock by intervening with Henri III to see that the Lies et passeries [fr] (local agreements made in the mountain border regions of France and Spain to guarantee common pastures, unified policing, the maintenance of commerce during war time and the combatting of threats to the peace).

[31] When news arrived at the French court of the death of the childless king of Portugal on 15 January 1580, Catherine instituted a solemn funerary observance to take place at the Notre Dame.

[43] Comminges and his brother the seigneur de Lanssac drove the Catholic nobility to take arms with the aim of capturing Montauban, Castres and other Protestant held towns.

From here she struck out in several military campaigns, though they were bested by the forces of her husband, the Protestant king of Navarre and by August she could no longer pay her soldiers, and the populations under her authority chafed under the impositions required of them.

The noble seigneur de Montégut envisioned the adoption of a broad scale anti-Protestant ligue covering not only Comminges, but also the Condomois [fr], Rieux and even Toulouse.

[74] Defensive measures began to be explored by the municipal magistracy on 6 January then on 7 January at the instigation of the grand vicar and provost of the cathedral of Saint-Étienne, Jean Daffis, a bureau d'État was established by the ligueur sympathetic Toulousians, composed of eighteen members (six clerics, six bourgeois - of whom two were Capitouls of Toulouse and six parlementaires) to deal with the most sensitive matters alongside the capitouls (municipal magistrate, akin to an alderman) of Toulouse.

In the third week of January he denounced those bourgeois in the bureau he saw as politiques (those who prioritised the stability and order of the state over religious purity) and those around the premier président of the parlement Jean Étienne Duranti.

After a proposal to have the portrait of Henri III present in the parlements deliberation chambers removed the avocat général Jacques Daffis mounted a defence of the king, stating that any who committed treason against their sovereign would be subject to legal reprisals.

[80] When the procession reached the cathedral the following day, the mood turned sour again, and it was angrily demanded that all politiques be executed alongside men who put 'the cause of the Valois before that of Jesus'.

[81] The procession tried to persuade the bishop of Comminges to take the reins of governor of Toulouse and the sénéchaussée, something he would refuse them several times, before finally accepting the honour before the altar of Saint-Étienne.

[89] To support the small Toulousian ligueur army, the seigneur de La Balme was established as a trésorier extraordinaire des guerres (extraordinary treasurer of the wars) with the authorisation of the bishop of Comminges, the parlement and the capitouls.

[94] Despite the ascendency of the bishop of Comminges in Toulouse, Henri opined that he maintained his faith in the nobility of Languedoc, who he believed would remain loyal to the royalist cause as long as they had a suitable leader.

[71] Affiliating with the ligue had been a difficult decision for the vicomte de Joyeuse, and he quickly found himself frustrated in his efforts against the royalists by the lack of financial assistance from Toulouse.

There was even ambitions among the ligueurs of Toulouse to receive financial support from the capital for the war against the 'four enemies' (Matignon, Montmorency, Ėpernon and duc de Ventadour).

[124] Brunet argues that the defeat of Comminges and the Hispano-Ligueurs (Spanish-Leaguers) in Toulouse acted as a precursor to the destruction of the same tendency by the Mayenniste party in Paris after the murder of the Parisian président Brisson in that city.

[149] Moving beyond the mandate he received from the Estates of Guyenne, the bishop of Comminges presented a grandiose plan to the Spanish king on the Garonne axis through the intermediary of Saraxia.

The plan was only one part of a broader memorandum which also featured contributions by others, such as father Basile who opined that Villars was inexperienced, and Comminges was devoted to the Catholic cause but suffered from an over abundance of ambition and was liable to promise more than he could fulfil.

The distraction of this large force from entering France at a crucial moment in the fortunes of the royalist party saved the cause of Henri IV in the eyes of the historian Cloulas.

[173] In the assessment of the bishop, this was not a prelude to a broader scale invasion of the kingdom, but rather the royalists hoped that by securing these places they would for very little investment frustrate Felipe's cross border plans (as it was challenging to bring to bear artillery and large armies in that region).

[185] The walk back of this position to a marriage between the Infanta and the young duc de Guise could not repair the damage and on 23 July the election of a new king was indefinitely postponed by the delegates of the ligueur estates.

Continuing in his long address of 16 February he explained to the Spanish king that given the 'mood of the people' (i.e. their fiscal revolts) Felipe should strike while the opportunity was presenting itself, and send a leader with great authority, wise in the ways of statecraft and war.

This personage would come to Alan to rendezvous with Comminges and the seigneur de Lanssac who would play host to a diet of the leaders of the Ligue Campanère to treat with the Spanish representative.

He concluded by noting that timing was sensitive, and that while this project was feasible for the Spanish king now, if he tarried a few months it might cease to be possible as every effort was being expended by the royalists to subjugate them.

[204] In a further letter to Felipe, the king was assured that the bishop of Comminges and seigneur de Lanssac would maintain secrecy in all affairs and that they would continue to relay what they discovered to be transpiring both in the interior of the kingdom and on the border.

[205] Holding this large force in arms was an expensive endeavour however, and after fourteen days, the bishop of Comminges authorised the soldiers to go to ground, going forward despite being numerous they would rarely assemble.

[216] Comminges' half-brother was less eloquent than he and made his plea on the grounds of the virtue of royal clemency and noting that he had failed to uphold the natural obedience that was due to a king.

[213] Conscious of the continued support Felipe was offering to the ligueurs, and keen to have the border secured, the maréchal de Matignon resolved to capture Comminges' see of Saint-Bertrand from its governor Luscan.

[225] Embittered by the continued lack of promised support from Felipe, Villars and Montpezat began their submission to Henri in September 1595, requesting a truce with Matignon while they negotiated with the king.