Breaking with all previous conceptions, this view was of marked nationalist character: it was argued that the disappearance of the Kingdom of Valencia one hundred years before had initiated the development of ethno-symbolic markers among the Valencian people, shaped by a shared memory of uneven scope, a language different from the official one, and a common demonym—"Valencian"—which officially referred only to the inhabitants of the Province of Valencia as defined in the territorial division of Spain of 1833.
[4] Into the 20th century, Valencian regionalism started to become politicised, with the appearance of groups such as the es:Joventut Valencianista ("Valencianist Youth") and other collectives of young people who took Teodor Llorente and Lo Rat Penat as their point of reference.
He was condemned to death by Francoist Spain at the end of the war; the sentence was commuted to banishment to the Balearics only as a result of pressure from the Archbishopric of Valencia.
After the victory of the Nationalist faction in the Civil War, local rights were fairly thoroughly integrated into the structure of the new state.
[7] In the post-war period, most of the component parts of Valencianism, in the main linked to the political left, were exiled or persecuted.
[8] Lo Rat Penat remained under the state's control, focussing on folkloric activities, connected with Valencian festivals and with religion.
At the end of the 1940, it joined forces with a new Valencianist society which included es:Carles Salvador, who ran courses in the Valencian language.
Such was the origin of "Blaverism", a markedly anti-Catalanist form of regionalism, which pursued linguistic separatism of Valencian from the rest of the Catalan language domain.
In the next regional elections in 1999 the Valencian Union lost all its parliamentary seats, and during the latter half of the 1990s and the whole of the following decade many of its activists were absorbed into the PP.