Violeta Barrios Torres de Chamorro (Spanish pronunciation: [bjoˈleta tʃaˈmoro]; 18 October 1929)[1] is a Nicaraguan former politician who served as the 55th President of Nicaragua from 1990 to 1997.

However, when the Junta began moving in a more radical direction and signed agreements with the Soviet Union, Chamorro resigned on 19 April 1980 and returned to the newspaper.

This 14-party alliance ranged from conservatives and liberals to communists and because of ideological differences had difficulty in devising any political platform other than a promise to end the war.

After leaving office on 10 January 1997, Chamorro worked on several international peace initiatives until poor health forced her to retire from public life.

Barrios began her secondary education at the Colegio La Inmaculada in Managua[2] and then transferred to an American boarding school, as her parents wanted her to perfect her English.

[2] In June 1947, her father was diagnosed with terminal lung cancer and though he died before she could make it home, she returned to Nicaragua, without graduating in the United States.

[10] After the civil war of 1978–1979 and last-minute transferring of the national treasury to foreign banks by the Somoza regime, the country was devastated and it was believed that a Marxist-style government would restore prosperity;[11] however, the Sandinistas soon began taking over television and radio stations and censoring newspapers.

In others, while the Sandinistas did increase their ties with the Soviet bloc and embraced Marxist philosophy, they announced a non-alignment policy and continued discussions on diplomatic, economic, and military relationships with the United States.

[12] In February 1980, FSLN signed several accords with the Soviet Union causing the US president, Jimmy Carter, who had initially authorized aid to the Sandinista government, to approve CIA support for the opposition forces.

[13] On 19 April 1980, Chamorro resigned from the Junta[9] in opposition to the Sandinista's push for control, implementation of a Cuban interpretation of Marx,[5] and failure to keep the commitments made in Puntarenas, Costa Rica for establishment of a democracy.

[19] In reality, her humility and provincial roots worked for her;[3] she had run a family, a business and been part of the original Junta;[5][9] the Sandinistas blocked payment of funds to her from the US while simultaneously claiming she received them;[21] and she had long been vocal about her displeasure of US involvement in Nicaragua.

Congress finally agreed to the $9 million package, only as per the legal requirements—meaning funds could only be used for election monitoring and observers, drives to increase voter turnout and must be fully disclosed.

[28] The aid package ran into difficulties though: one month before the elections, only $400,000 of the money had been sent and it was deposited in accordance with Nicaraguan law into an account at the government-run Central Bank.

[41][42] Possible explanations include that the Nicaraguan people were disenchanted with the Ortega government, as economic mismanagement, a US embargo, and increased Contra activities in 1987 had, by 1990, decreased per capita GNI to 20 year lows.

The ceremony, held at the Rigoberto López Pérez Stadium before a crowd of some 20,000, marked the first time in more than five decades that a sitting government had peacefully surrendered power to the opposition.

[52] She began a fierce weapon-buying campaign to help eradicate the threat of continuing violence; all the collected weapons were covered in concrete at the Plaza de la Paz (Peace Square), specifically built in downtown Managua to symbolize "Never Again".

Most of the conscripts returned home, but the lives of career military personnel were disrupted as they lost employment, and the houses, land, and money which was promised to them was either not delivered, due to inadequate resources, or seemed to be paid arbitrarily.

When Chamorro was elected, President George H. W. Bush removed the embargo that Ronald Reagan had imposed during Sandinista rule and promised economic aid to the country.

[68] Hoping to improve relations, Chamorro's administration repealed the law that required the country to seek compensation in the case of Nicaragua v. United States, which had long been contentious, and withdrew the suit.

[65] The aid was cut off and Helms' demands were made the month after Chamorro withdrew the compensation claims associated with the Nicaragua vs. United States verdict.

[73] Devaluing the currency and ending subsidies of basic consumer goods reduced government spending, but created unrest with lower-middle-class and working-class people, who were faced with rising prices, layoffs due to privatization,[74] and stagnant wages.

The trade deficit rose and GNP declined, and overall low wages and reductions of education and health services caused poverty to escalate, and social tensions to rise.

[86] The reforms to the Constitution were intended to reduce of the power of the presidency, and included measures to transfer the authority to levy taxes to the legislature, prohibit conscription, guarantee property rights, and curtail the succession of an incumbent or their close family members.

As international investors began to fret over the ensuing instability and evaluate further aid,[88] the Roman Catholic cardinal, Miguel Obando y Bravo, stepped in as mediator and brokered an accord.

Both sides claimed victory,[88] though the Supreme Court issue was still not resolved: the Assembly insisted their appointees were valid and the President refused to acknowledge them.

Cutbacks in public services during her regime, like child care and centers for rehabilitation, led to an increase in low-income women being forced into prostitution and crime.

[94] According to a United Nations study, the financial insecurity forced women and adolescents into "street professions", elevating security risks and increasing the rate of drop outs, drug abuse, juvenile delinquency and prostitution.

[97] However, it also defined some lesser sexual crimes in a way designed to protect the interests of fathers and husbands more than of the women themselves; for example, the penalty for "kidnapping of a virgin [...] when her guardians were away or without violence" depended on whether marriage was intended.

Victoria González-Rivera writes that prior to the 1992 changes, rape had been considered a private affair, and the law encouraged women to marry their rapists or accept a monetary settlement.

In July of the same year, she established a foundation bearing her name (Spanish: Fundación Violeta Barrios de Chamorro) which she chaired with the goal of creating developmental projects to strengthen peace initiatives.