Its ostensive veneration of Vlad the Impaler, seen as an icon of justifiable violence against corrupt forces, was toned down by an appreciation of Toryism and of political moderates such as Iancu Flondor.

He revived the old Bucharest Conservative daily Epoca, directing it against establishment politicians and, in particular, against Barbu Știrbey, his lover Queen Marie, and the domineering National Liberal Party (PNL).

[11] Founded to appeal to centrist conservatives and monarchists, it grouped some members of the old landowning class,[12] including the wealthy Nicolae Mareș;[13] they were joined with industrialists such as the Armenian-Romanian Alfred Cerchez.

[15] The League was nevertheless an eclectic movement: existing alongside "a plethora of 'leagues' and 'guards', more or less secretive, more or less prone to violence",[16] it also hosted national conservatives and fascist sympathizers, including Cantacuzino-Grănicerul and Amos Frâncu.

[24] In a June 1931 debate, George Grigorovici of the Social Democratic Party (PSDR) argued that impaliment was an Ottoman practice, and hence that it reminded one of an uncomfortable time in Romanian history.

[25] As noted in 1932 by the review Le Monde Slave, the Vlad reference condensed the League's own "political romanticism": "it wants to purify public life using strong measures, if need be through blood and iron, that is to say by dictatorial means."

[46] In May 1930, Filipescu allowed the publication of "controversial matter regarding Prince Carol", which resulted in Epoca being temporarily banned by Maniu; the Romanian Police, arriving at the newspaper's offices, was met by its enraged owner, who had to be restrained.

[53] The cartel was persuaded into joining the majority, in the interest of the "common good"; Filipescu submitted his candidacy for Yellow-Sector Mayor, but only took one vote from the Sector Council, with all other sixteen going to Aurel Bolintineanu.

[58] According to the PNȚ press, the deal nearly fell apart when Filipescu and his men vehemently opposed Tancred Constantinescu, a former PNL minister whom the PND wanted included on the shared list in Tighina County.

[61] One of these was at Ilfov, were the PND's Constantin Argetoianu was elected, but ceded his position to the LVȚ's Enescu-Fierbinți;[62] another one was in Covurlui County, taken by Sturdza—who, upon winning, allegedly engaged in a public brawl with Paul Kelemen, of the local Georgist Liberals.

[65] Perșinaru was ridiculed in Glasul Bucovinei for only obtaining 65 votes, as compared to over 7,000 taken by Codreanu; as the newspaper noted, this "scolding lesson", alongside the PNL's coming in second, clarified that the masses were not in fact tired of party politics.

[78] Some twelve days later, Metaxa resigned the prefecture, noting his difference with both Filipescu's personality and the anti-PND line; he was immediately replaced by another Țepist, Colonel Aurel Solacolu.

These were: Cantacuzino, Eugen Catargi, Grigore T. Coandă, Arthur Corbaru, Enescu-Fierbinți, Hagi-Moscu, Gheorghe Ionescu, Mareș, Miclescu, Nicolae Missir, Emil Ottulescu, Ion Rosetti Bălănescu, Leon Sculi, C. A. Spulber, Sturdza, and Ioan Vlasopol.

[81] This change caused a dispute in the Assembly between Sturdza and Nicolae L. Lupu of the Peasants' Party, who claimed that deputies elected on the LVȚ list were legally required to resign.

[83] An ethnically diverse list was put up in Timiș-Torontal County: headlined by Periețeanu and lawyer Dimitrie Bottez, it included a Serb, Lazar Omorjan, a Magyar, Francisc Szabotka, and a Swabian, Filip Ochsenfeld; all three were engineers.

[92] On other issues, the PC adhered to the political consensus: Periețeanu participated in the civic movement for the Little Entente and against Hungarian irredentism; called "Antirevisionist League", it also grouped figures from the PNȚ, PNL, and National Agrarian Party.

[94] At the same time, Filipescu chided Duca for his order to ban the Iron Guard, arguing that the latter movement included a number of "enthusiastic, clear-minded youths", and that, overall, it was less dangerous for Romania than the League Against Usury, which had escaped unharmed.

[95] The Conservatives initially submitted their own list, assigning eligible positions to Filipescu, Epure, Hagi-Moscu, Miclescu, Ottulescu, Zlotescu, Gheorghe Budișteanu, and Ilie Pănoiu.

With his Senate speeches, Filipescu pressured Tătărescu government to report on the matter, noting that Duca's assassins had been caught, tried, and sentenced; this effort was backed by the PNȚ's Grigore Gafencu and Mihail Mora.

[103] By mid-1934, Filipescu tried to win himself an Assembly seat in the by-elections of Ilfov,[104] though the PC decided not to put any candidates for local elections, since it continued to regard city government as beyond the scope of party politics.

[109] In March 1935, the issue of emergency laws pushed the PC closer to the PP, the PNȚ, the Radical Peasants' Party (PȚR) and the Georgists, with which it hoped to form a tactical alliance.

[112] In May 1934, it had a central committee, composed of Cerchez, Cugler, Glagoveanu, Hagi-Moscu, Missir, Periețeanu, Vlasopol, Zlotescu, Aurel Dumitrescu, and Commodore Octav Nedelcu;[105] Iorgala was leader of the Covurlui chapter to his death in October 1934.

While other mainstream groups accepted such ideas as desirable and feasible, the Conservatives warned that Vaida was a political adventurer, and that implementing such programs risked ruining Romania's defensive alliances in Europe, while empowering the hostile minorities.

[112] In the Senate, Miclescu also declared his skepticism toward the PNȚ's goal of establishing the "peasant state", since "villagers would be content with knowing that the country is no longer run by politicians, but by steadfast homesteaders.

[124] The party criticized all attempts at furthering the land reform, and, through Periețeanu, proposed abandoning the gold standard for the Romanian leu, favoring fiat money as the "best economic policy"[112]—although, as Filipescu had argued in 1931, this measure was seen by the PC as tragic.

[127] Filipescu himself ran on the PNȚ list for the Yellow Sector, during which time the far-right publicized his links to Jewish businessmen;[128] he managed to win a seat on the Bucharest Council, on April 19.

[29] Filipescu also warned that manifestos by the "so-called far-right movements [...] affirm a new expropriation", and acknowledged that the PNL's return to power, with Tătărescu, had been a better alternative; Perșinaru underscored that the party was committed to peaceful methods, while Periețeanu discussed the importance of economic stances, and the coming irrelevancy of political doctrines.

[147] Under the Romanian communist regime, formally established in 1948, political persecution targeted Cerchez—he was arrested in January 1952, and, in 1953, was sentenced to 20 years of hard labor for grand treason; released during an amnesty in 1964, he lived in France from 1970 to his death in 1982.

[148] The defunct party enjoyed more favor after the rise of national communism, when Filipescu's anti-fascism got him included on spurious lists "of those who contributed, evidently without so wishing, to the legitimizing of the communist regime".

Savu was disputed by historian Ioan Scurtu, "given [the Conservative Party's] anti-fascist attitude and Grigore Filipescu's positioning against King Carol II's dictatorial tendencies.