It requires that whites fully accept French men and women of colour and their struggles for freedom and equality as part and parcel of the (trans)national, decolonized "greater We" (le grand Nous).

[3] Roland Simon accused Bouteldja of "tactical homophobia, latent antisemitism, sympathizing with pro-Saddam [Hussein] elements during the Gulf War, scrapping women's struggles ('for the moment'), etc.

[3] The philosopher Ivan Segré [fr] describes Whites, Jews, and Us as at times "powerfully political and poetic", and praises Bouteldja's use of the concept of race as "not only irreproachable but indeed salutary", but criticises the book on several points.

"[3] Segré argues that for Bouteldja "the question of 'the existence of Israel' is of a symbolic universalism disproportionate to empirical reality, at least if we admit that, in the history of imperialism from 1492 to today, Zionism – reprehensible or not – is a mere detail.

[10] An open letter signed by Ilan Pappé, Adi Ophir, Sylvère Lotringer, Ronit Lentin, Sarah Schulman, Ariella Azoulay and 14 others described Guénolé's accusations as "outrageous" and argued that he failed to understand either racism or anti-Semitism or to acknowledge Bouteldja's conception of "revolutionary love".

[6] In a letter signed by Christine Delphy, Annie Ernaux, Catherine Samary, Isabelle Stengers and 16 others, published in Le Monde in June 2017, the authors accused Bouteldja's critics of character assassination and of having failed to read Whites, Jews, and Us beyond the title "or at most a few misrepresented citations.

"[11] The Italian historian Enzo Traverso argues that accusations of anti-Semitism are based on taking passages from Whites, Jews, and Us out of context, and described the book as "a very personal, intimate work, a deftly written text that is also very political: it is a provocation, in the best sense of the word.

[13] Traverso criticises Bouteldja, however, for homogenising her central racial categories: he argues that her treatment of Islam as "a monolithic bloc" ignores the Arab Spring and Islamic terrorism, and so recalls Samuel P. Huntington's "clash of civilisations" thesis, while her understanding of white people as a "homogenous category" ignores the history of various definitions of whiteness in the United States and beyond, especially as they pertain to the status of Italian people.

[20] In his introductory essay, Jared Sexton argues that in examining the function (rather than simply evaluating the status) of the rights afforded in liberal democracies, Bouteldja's work is aligned with that of the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano and other theorists of the "coloniality of power".

[21] In Sexton's reading, Bouteldja is interested in returning a sense of verticality to analyses of power, not only between the top and the bottom, the haves and the have-nots, but also among those excluded, by differences of degree and of kind, from the commanding heights, a stratigraphy of being and value.

"[22] He describes the book as an example of autoethnography in its incorporation of Bouteldja's personal experience and circumvention of "disembodied discussions of what Islam is or is not", and concludes that Whites, Jews, and Us is a "powerful, touching, dignified work".

[23] Joëlle Marelli interprets the response to Whites, Jews, and Us (in which it was perceived "as anti-white, anti-Semitic, sexist, and homophobic") as in keeping with a broader French rejection of communautarisme (communitarianism) as signalling "political immaturity".

"[25] Concluding, Marelli identifies as "the book's most precious lesson" the insight that every member of a pariah group must not only choose between being a rebel and being 'responsible for his/her own oppression', but must also find the means to escape from the affective negativity engendered by his/her condition.

"[26] Concluding, Kazi interprets Bouteldja's concept of "revolutionary love" "as an invitation to whites to practice the solidarity of Jean Genet and, I would add, of John Brown and the Young Patriots.

[27] Dubler praises Bouteldja's "joyful spirit" and the "mischievous fashion" in which the book's argument is articulated, and argues that "Whites, Jews, and Us shows the reader an exceedingly good time.

[27] "Instead of surrendering Judaism to Holocaust covetousness, Zionism, and [Anti-Defamation League]-style paranoia," Dubler suggests, "if Bouteldja truly wants Jews to go in for revolutionary love, she would be better served by signal boosting the righteous and crazy alternative.