Women in South Korea have experienced significant improvements for social changes in recent years, compared to previous times, when Confucianism was deeply imbued in the culture.

[5] The economy of South Korea has tremendously improved due to urbanisation, industrialisation, military authoritarianism, democratic reform, and social liberalisation since the late 1960s.

[11] The status of women has elevated but it still cannot be seen as equal to men's social standing in terms of education, health, and legal rights.

These stereotypes include women staying at home as housewives, having less power and voice in political and economic participation and movements, and more.

[22] As they took a larger role in economic activities, women experienced greater education attainment, providing additional opportunities for professionalization.

[18] Women's participation in social and economic culture was expected to continue to grow and diversify after the election of South Korea's first female president, Park Geun-Hye in 2013.

[5] South Korea has worked on its way to implement gender equality by revising and changing any discriminative contents in its existing legislative laws since the 1980s.

Therefore, the legislation and public rules have critical and significant roles to influence Korean cities to elevate the social structure substantially.

From the birth of the Framework Act on Gender Equality in May 2014 to the enforcement on July 1, 2015, the various discourse was produced to view the revision as a paradigm shift in Korean women's policy.

In addition, research has been conducted to explore ways in which "The Framework Act on Gender Equality" can be changed for the better through the concept of intersectionality.

In South Korea's history, which has disparaged women's rights, gender inequality has been strengthened, reproduced through the family's life culture.

However, the recent debate over the abolition of the family headship system in South Korea has emerged as an important social issue.

[22] As they took a larger role in economic activities, the educational level of women also increased, providing additional opportunities for professionalization.

[41] In addition, there is a tendency for young South Koreans to not want to start a family in the age group of 20, on the contrary, many seek to focus on their academic and working life.

Specifically, neoliberal transformations have promoted the evolution of the maternal figure within the family, strengthening and evolving its role as educational support.

Their success will secure, if not promote, the whole family's chance to continue to belong to or become middle- and upper-class members of Korean society.

The expected ability of mothers managers often promises their full-time status as middle-class housewives with sufficient economic, cultural and social resources.

[47] A study was conducted to justify the Work-Family Conflict scale (WFC) revised and developed by Ginamon and Rich for married working women in Korea.

[54] Korea's gender system serves as the basis for the social rights of non-regular female workers in structural relationships with the labor market and welfare state.

Without solving the problem of the dual labour market system, it is unlikely that the social rights of non-regular female workers will be improved.

[18] There is a relatively new concept of feminism in South Korea, but the Me Too movement has taken root there as well, with some high-profile politicians and entertainment figures being ousted after sexual assault survivors came forward.

While South Korea has embraced modern economic and technological advancements while keeping strong patriarchal traditions, the rise of the Me Too movement is a significant change.

At this time, women's organizations began to seek equality by demanding more representation in South Korea's public employment and military.

[73] Spy cameras, known as molka (몰카) in South Korea, are an ongoing issue, in particular their use in illicitly recording women and girls.

As technology has progressed, cameras have become smaller and some have been made to resemble everyday objects (for example: ballpoint pens, key rings, USB sticks).

While many of those who make the recordings are indiscriminate with regard to their victims, some specifically target those with fame or wealth such as K-pop stars, actors, government officials, or popular social media figures.

These can be disregarded as the acts of malicious people, but the production and distribution of online hate speech can nevertheless reinforce stereotypes and lead to generalization.

The suspects used messenger apps such as Telegram to lure and threaten victims, filming and distributing the resultant sexual exploitation.

Research has been actively pursued in South Korea into ways to respond to digital sex crimes such as the Nth room case.

[82] On June 16, 2021, Human Rights Watch, an international NGO, released a report detailing digital sex crime in South Korea.