His book-length study, Lu Xun (1944) ignited a significant reaction in the world of Japanese thought during and after the Pacific War.
Takeuchi formed a highly successful Chinese literature study group with Taijun Takeda in 1934 and this is regarded as the beginning of modern Sinology in Japan.
In 1931, Takeuchi graduated from high school and entered the faculty of letters at Tokyo Imperial University, where he met his lifelong friend, Taijun Takeda.
Together they formed the Chinese Literature Research Society (Chugoku Bungaku Kenkyukai) and in 1935, they published an official organ for the group, Chugoku Bungaku Geppo in order to open up the study of contemporary Chinese literature as opposed to the "old-style" Japanese Sinology.
During 1937 to 1939 he studied abroad in Beijing where he became depressed due to the geo-political situation and drank heavily.
In January 1943, he broke up the Chinese Literature Research Society and decided to discontinue the publication of Chugoku Bungaku despite the group becoming quite successful.
In 1953, he became a full professor at Tokyo Metropolitan University, a post he eventually resigned from in protest after Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke rammed the revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty through the National Diet with only members of his own party present in May 1960 despite the massive Anpo Protests expressing popular opposition to the new treaty.
[2] During the anti-treaty struggle, Takeuchi played a leading role as one of the foremost intellectuals in postwar Japan under the slogan he coined: "democracy or dictatorship?
He was particularly interested in Mao's "Philosophy of base/ground" (konkyochi tetsugaku) which involves the principle of making one's enemy one's own.
He pursued self-agony with a sincere manner and brought abnormal influence in the Chinese literary world by coming to light in bold expression.
At that time, Tokyo called China as not "Shina" but "Chugoku" for directing friendship between Japan and the Wang Jingwei regime.
After defeat in 1945, however, he knew that the declared aims of the war were deceptive and he tried to explain its aporias of both the liberation of colonies and anti-imperialism.
[9] After the defeat of 1945, Japanese journalism was full of discussion surrounding the issue of war responsibility, particularly that intellectuals and a famous wartime symposium entitled "Overcoming Modernity" which involved literary critic, Kobayashi Hideo and Kyoto-school philosopher, Nishida Kitaro.
Wartime intellectuals were classified into three groups: Literary World, the "Japanese Romantics" (such as Yasuda Yojiro) and the Kyoto School.
The "Overcoming Modernity" symposium was held in wartime Japan in (1942) and sought to interpret Japanese imperialism’s Asian mission in a positive historical light, as not any kind of simple fawning on Fascism, but rather ultimately, a step in the proper direction of Japan's destiny as an integral part of Asia.
And the role that everyone had "eagerly anticipated" was that of the medium itself, who appears at the end as the "lead actor in a great farce."
Such formation of thought would at least take as its point of departure the aim of transforming the logic of total war.
In the postwar, Takeuchi's discussion was centred on the dual aspects of the Greater East Asia War.
Kobayashi Hideo of Literary World, who beat "World-Historical Standpoint" of the Kyoto School, was unworthy at this time.
During 1951 to 1953, Takeuchi argued with literary critic, Sei Itō over the nature of a national literature (cf.
In 1960, the Japanese government rammed a revised version of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security through the House of Representatives.
"According to Takeuchi, the core part of Lu Xun 'is awareness of the literature which was acquired through a confrontation with politics'.
A writer could be powerful if he would dig down mental "darkness" and realize self-denial and self-innovation without dependence.
Takeuchi criticized Japanese modernists and modernization theorists who adopted a stopgap measure and recognized Japan as superior to Asia aiming at though revolutions.
Generally speaking, the Japanese Meiji modernists had a tendency to interpret Asia as backward.
And it was equal to war-time Takeuchi himself who adopted
Takeuchi questioned Japanese pacifism which led to lose the attitudes and responsibilities towards Asia as an Asian nation.
The former Tarui argued for unionizing Japan and Korea equally to strengthen Greater East Asian security.
He said: "In a political dimension, post-war Bandung conference made an idea of Asianness in history".
This is the main problem facing East-West relations today, and it is at once a political and cultural issue.