Zdeněk Mlynář

While in exile in Vienna, he wrote an autobiographical account of the Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact invasion that put an end to it in August 1968.

This bearing allowed him to exercise a critical analysis of the political and social developments taking place in Czechoslovakia and the rest of the region which was under Soviet influence.

[1] It was during this period of positive social and political upheaval that Mlynář was assigned to the task of drafting policy recommendations for the Czechoslovakian communist party in 1967.

Only three years prior in 1964, at a time when the national assembly of Czechoslovakia was "showing an uncharacteristic liveliness for a communist parliament" (322), Mlynář had made the argument that 'pressure groups' should be allowed to have their say concerning the state machinery.

Mlynář and his colleagues who were assigned to the difficult task of crafting these new policies devoted their efforts to two main issues: the first was the nature of Czechoslovakia's place in the socialist community.

The above passage, however, indicates that his concept of socialism closely resembles democratic pluralism, a very dangerous assertion to make, even in a time of reform.

In addition, he provides a comprehensive account explaining the blind idealism that inspired many young Czechs and Slovaks to embrace Stalinism in 1945 and the acceptance of a global orthodox Communism during the Cold War.

In the beginning of 1977, Mlynář became a signatory to Charter 77, a document signed by over a thousand Czechs and Slovaks as well as by many foreign intellectuals that called for all those concerned with human rights to do all they could to spur its development.

He led an international research group that concerned itself with investigating what the prerequisites and necessary preconditions were in order to create basic change within these regimes.

Despite the challenges in their personal lives and the complex relations between their respective countries (Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union), Mlynář and Gorbachev maintained their friendship.

During the protests, several moderate elements in the StB, the Czechoslovak secret police, reportedly hoped to overthrow their superiors and bring Mlynář back from exile to institute reforms.

[4] Interestingly, Mlynář's wife, Rita Klímová, played a significant role in the Velvet Revolution, serving as one of the leaders and spokeswoman for Civic Forum, a prominent opposition group during this period.

[4] Their enduring friendship, which spanned from their university days through significant political changes in both their countries, demonstrates the personal connections that can persist despite geopolitical tensions.

Mlynář was considered Gorbachev's closest Russian friend, highlighting the unique nature of their relationship in the context of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations during the Cold War era.

In 1996, Mlynar competed for election to the Czech parliament as a candidate for the democratic socialist Left Bloc party, but was defeated.

[5] Embittered by the events that were unfolding in Prague, Mlynář returned to Innsbruck where he devoted himself to his research on Eastern and Central Europe.