2010 United States Senate special election in Massachusetts

Paul Kirk[a] Democratic Scott Brown Republican The 2010 United States Senate special election in Massachusetts was a special election held on January 19, 2010, in order to fill the Massachusetts Class I United States Senate seat for the remainder of the term ending January 3, 2013.

The race drew national attention due to Brown's unexpectedly closing the gap and running even with, or ahead of, Coakley in independent and internal polling in the last few days of the campaign.

[7] Although Democrats would retain control of both houses of Congress until January 2011, Brown's victory would greatly affect their political plans, most notably for the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, though the legislation was signed into law in March 2010.

[15] Patrick stated on August 29, 2009, that he wanted to honor a request by Kennedy that any appointee to the seat not run, and that he would address the issue of the election date "after we have finished this period of respectful grief.

For party primary candidates, completed nomination papers with certified signatures were required to be filed by the close of business, November 3, 2009.

[21][22][23][24][25] At that time, Senator Ted Kennedy successfully made personal appeals to Massachusetts Democratic legislative leaders to pass the bill, which was stalled prior to his request.

[27][28] John Kerry, President Barack Obama, and State House Speaker Robert DeLeo all expressed support for an interim appointment.

[15] The legality of such a demand in state law is questioned by Secretary of the Commonwealth William F. Galvin, as the qualifications for office to Congress are specified solely in the Constitution.

[15] Robert DeLeo stated that both the Senate and the House of Representatives planned to approve resolutions indicating that they did not want the appointee to run in the special election or become involved with any candidate's campaign.

[35] The Massachusetts House of Representatives approved legislation to give Governor Patrick the power to appoint an interim senator on September 17, 2009, by a 95–58 vote.

[37] On September 24, 2009, Patrick appointed Paul G. Kirk, former Democratic National Committee chairman and aide to Ted Kennedy, to serve until the elected successor took office.

[50][51][52] On September 9, Brown said that he would not run if George W. Bush's White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card entered the race.

[49][60] Assistant Professor Boris Schor of the University of Chicago's Harris School of Public Policy Studies described Brown as a liberal Republican by national standards, but well suited for his Massachusetts constituency.

[70] Coakley refused to investigate Thomas M. Menino, Mayor of Boston, and his office for allegedly violating laws in regards to destruction of public e-mail records.

[72] Coakley was herself a member of The Coalition for Safe Streets, the political action group eventually formed by the District Attorneys to fight the ballot question.

[74] In a radio interview on January 16, 2010, Coakley described former Boston Red Sox pitcher Curt Schilling as a "Yankee fan," which drew criticism.

After the toddler's mother filed applications for criminal complaints, Coakley then obtained grand jury indictments charging rape and assault and battery.

However, Boston University political scientist Thomas Whalen said that Kennedy's libertarian views may cause him to detract votes from Brown rather than Coakley.

The Rothenberg Political Report released a statement that, "unless Democratic turnout exceeds everyone's expectations, Brown is headed for a comfortable win.

[95] During the campaign, controversy erupted over a conscientious objector amendment Brown sponsored in 2005, which, according to The Boston Globe, "would have allowed a doctor, nurse or hospital to deny rape victims an emergency contraceptive if it 'conflicts with a sincerely held religious belief.'"

[99] During a State Senate debate in 2001, Brown referred to the decision of his lesbian Democratic opponent, Cheryl Jacques, to have children as "not normal".

[103][104] In the final fundraising push one of Brown's contributions for $5,000 came from David Koch, a wealthy activist and supporter of conservative causes and campaigns.

The January 8 debate was held in Springfield, Massachusetts and originating at WGBY-TV's studios, aired by them and its sister WGBH-TV-FM stations in Boston.

One journalist reported that CNN and Fox News may have delivered more balanced coverage on the election day itself, providing both Republican and Democratic commentators.

More specifically, support for Brown tended to be high in Hampden County, the 495 Corridor, the South Shore suburbs and the southwestern part of Cape Cod.

Brown also won or ran close to even in a number of historically Democratic working class cities such as Worcester, Lowell and Quincy.

At 51%, towns where the Democratic share of the vote declined by less than 10% from 2008 for Obama to 2010 for Coakley had a higher percentage of people with a bachelor's degree compared to that of the rest of the state, 31%.

[6] Another widely aired Brown TV ad featured him crisscrossing the state in his 2005 GMC Canyon pickup truck, which had amassed nearly 200,000 miles on the odometer.

[152] Barack Obama named Martha Coakley's controversial rhetorical quote of "What should I do, stand in front of Fenway and shake hands with voters?"

Obama correlated this quote with Coakley's subsequent loss, and as a hurdle towards the passing of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.

Results by Municipality:
Coakley
  • 30–40%
  • 40–50%
  • 50–60%
  • 60–70%
  • 70–80%
  • 80–90%
  • 90–100%
Capuano
  • 30–40%
  • 40–50%
  • 50–60%
  • 60–70%
Khazei
  • 50–60%
    Tie
Results by precinct:
Coakley
  • 30–40%
  • 40–50%
  • 50–60%
  • 60–70%
  • 70–80%
  • 80–90%
  • 90–100%
Capuano
  • 30–40%
  • 40–50%
  • 50–60%
  • 60–70%
  • 70–80%
  • 80–90%
  • 90–100%
Khazei
  • 30–40%
  • 40–50%
  • 50–60%
Tie
No data/No votes
Joseph L. Kennedy
Obama and his aides discuss Brown's win and the loss of a filibuster-proof super-majority in the Senate.