[9] Milo Đukanović, the leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), ruled Montenegro for more than three decades either as prime minister or as president.

Several candidates ran in opposition to Đukanović: Jakov Milatović was an independent member of the technocratic cabinet, while Andrija Mandić's right-wing populist Democratic Front was among the parties that backed it in the parliament.

The loss of the DPS' majority in the capital city Podgorica was seen as a punishment for Đukanovićs rather counter-productive role in the ongoing political crisis in the country.

Elections were held as the country is gripped by a year-long political deadlock marked by no-confidence votes in two separate governments and a row between parliamentary majority and Đukanović over appointing a new prime minister-designate.

Previously, the potential candidacy of the outgoing mayor of Podgorica, Ivan Vuković, and former prime minister Duško Marković was also advocated within the Đukanović's party.

[22][23][24] At the end of January, the right-wing populist Democratic Front (DF) announced that it would nominate its informal leader Andrija Mandić, who was a candidate back in the 2008 Montenegrin presidential election.

Spajić's disqualification by the national election body (DIK), composed mostly by DPS and DF delegates, was quick and did not wait for the completion of a probe launched by the Ministry of the Interior.

His campaign did not go smoothly; in Cetinje, Montenegro's former capital, a group of about 30 people attacked Milatović on his way to a pre-election gathering, one day after the first electoral debate aired on 9 March on the national broadcaster chanel.

[40] This was followed by the publication of fake news, misinformation and a negative campaign against Milatović and members of his movement as well as some NGOs and Western foreign representatives who criticized the attack, which were pushed online mainly by media and organizations and activists supporting the incumbent president Đukanović, while some individuals close to Đukanović's party supported or relativized the attack, calling it a "peaceful protest of citizens".

Đukanović said that the election would determine whether Montenegro would "develop as a modern European state, or if it will accept a position humbly serving other countries' interests".

During the campaign, Đukanović presented himself in a statesmanlike manner while at the same time giving the impression that the "country would plunge into chaos and ruin if he were defeated".

Controversial because Montenegro became increasingly corrupt during Đukanović's three decades of rule, the authoritarian nature of his leadership raised eyebrows among EU representatives.

Mandić has long been known not only as a supporter of a joint state with Serbia but also as a hard-line Serb nationalist and opponent of Montenegro's Euro-Atlantic integration.

Gabriel Escobar, United States deputy assistant secretary overseeing policy towards the countries of the Western Balkans including Montenegro, warned that Russia would try to intervene in presidential election, provoking internal tensions and clashes in the period until the 19 March vote.

Milatović, who served in the Krivokapić Cabinet, the first post-DPS government, says Đukanović and his party "devastated Montenegro during their rule, allowing crime and corruption to engulf society".

Milatović said after he cast his ballot that Đukanović symbolises "divisive policies of the past", and that the vote is crucial for a future Montenegro that would be "richer, more just, more beautiful and more equal".

[105][106] After announcing of the first preliminary results of the first round, Đukanović stated that he "doesn't plan to lose the election", expecting "mass support of diaspora voters" in the runoff, calling them "his vote reservoir".

[108][109][110] Đukanović criticized the European Union for allegedly allowing Russia to spread its influence in the Western Balkans, saying that the volatile region became a platform for anti-Western policies due to the EU's negligence.

Đukanović alleged that the ruling coalition that came to power after a 2020 regime change has "devastated Montenegro economically and financially", due "their anti-EU policies".

[111][112] During the campaign, Đukanović made harsh accusations against his opponent, stating that Milatović was "destroying people's lives", even that he was "responsible for death" during the COVID-19 pandemic.

[113][114][115][116][117][118] In response, Milatović said that "Đukanović scares citizens with recognizable methods of negative campaign", calling him "fake protector of the nation" and "dictator of the past".

"[119][120][121][122] On 23 March, the Ministry of Internal Affairs confirmed that presidential candidate Milatović was assigned police protection, which his organization requested due to fears that he was physically threatened.

[124] NGO observers also called on the national Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (ASK) to investigate the case of an online paid negative campaign against Milatović.

[125] The only electoral TV duel between presidential candidates in the second round runoff, Milo Đukanović and Jakov Milatović, was scheduled for 31 March in the production of RTCG, the national public broadcaster of Montenegro and aired live on the TVCG1 channel.