[88] Ognjen Radonjić, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy, and Dragan Popović, the director of the Centre for Practical Politics, argued that the Banjska attack was one of the main reasons why Vučić announced early elections.

[100][101] In its analysis, CRTA claimed that conditions were only improved in administrative aspects and that recommendations related to voter pressure, misuse of public resources, and media coverage remained unfulfilled.

[114] The official results were postponed until 5 July, due to the repeated voting in Veliki Trnovac, where a seat in the National Assembly was battled between SPS and the Albanian Coalition of Preševo Valley (KSLP), led by the Party for Democratic Action.

[121][122] The composition of the National Assembly changed since the first session in August 2022; for example, the European Regions, a parliamentary group composed of minority interest parties, briefly existed until October 2022.

[168] In an interview for newspaper Nova in August 2023, Marinika Tepić, one of the vice-presidents of SSP, stated that the creation of an electoral alliance of political parties that organise the Serbia Against Violence protests is possible.

[215] Political scientist and journalist Aleksandar Ivković argued that the campaign was unprincipled, listing graffitis, posters, music videos, and tabloid media content that were perpetrated against opposition parties.

[219] Raša Nedeljkov from CRTA expected a rigorous and "dirty" (prljavu) campaign with bigotry as its cornerstone; he listed the targeting of political opponents, media representatives, civil society organisations, and election observers as examples.

[221] During the first three weeks of the election campaign, CRTA reported in its analysis that "inequality, suspicions and threats" (neravnopravnost, sumnje i pretnje) were seen, claiming that government parties had significant advantage due to the abuse of public institutions.

[224] The Civic Initiatives, a non-governmental organisation, also launched a campaign with activists, professors, and public figures to boost the turnout and the number of controllers (members of polling stations) in the 2023 election.

[225] A group of public figures, including actors Svetlana Bojković, Dragan Bjelogrlić, former Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts president Vladimir S. Kostić, legal scholar and judge Miodrag Majić, and former University of Belgrade rector Ivanka Popović, formed the initiative ProGlas on 7 November 2023 to boost the electoral turnout for the 2023 election and "stop the explosion of crime and corruption in society" (zaustave eksploziju kriminala i korupcije u društvu).

For me, that is a force that provides a real chance for Serbia to be better" (Ako ćemo po nečemu pamtiti ovu kampanju, to će biti taj pokušaj stručnih i uglednih ljudi da zatraže novo poimanje politike.

[309] Members of the SPN coalition, with the addition of Romanian Party and the Civic Democratic Party, signed a cooperation agreement on 3 November, saying that the "fight against crime and corruption, stopping inflation and the impoverishment of citizens, restoring pensions reduced in 2014, and the importance of security, especially for the youngest" (borbe protiv kriminala i korupcije, zaustavljanja inflacije ii osiromašenja gradjana, vraćanje penzija smanjenih 2014. godine i značaj bezbednosti, posebno za najmlađe) would be their main issues during the campaign.

[181] Before and during the official campaign period, politicians affiliated with SPN, including Tepić, Aleksić, Ćuta, and Srđan Milivojević, a DS member of the National Assembly, were featured on propaganda flyers that were spread in Novi Sad and Belgrade, depicting them in a negative matter.

[332] Lazović also said that SPN supported removing national broadcast frequency status for Happy and Pink television channels, lowering the inflation and prices, and investing in universal health care protection.

[233][203] Shortly before the beginning of the official campaign period, Jovanović was featured on propaganda posters in October 2023, falsely depicting him as someone who released incumbent prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, from prison in 2001.

[344] Regarding foreign policy, NADA campaigned on wanting "the best possible cooperation with the European Union" (najbolju moguću saradnju sa Evropskom unijom) in regards to trade, economy, and culture.

[350][351][352] During the campaign period, the SSZ–Dveri coalition representatives emphasised their support for greater incentives for domestic businessmen and farmers,[353] the construction of student dormitories in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš and Kragujevac, giving free school books, and financial aid for "socially vulnerable families" (socijalno ugrožene porodice).

[358] On foreign policy, the coalition expressed their support for retaining close relations with China, due to their positions towards Kosovo,[359] and that they would want Serbia to become a member of BRICS instead of the European Union.

[364][365] SRS campaigned on issues such as health care reform, saying that Serbia should "use the experiences of foreign, Western European countries, as well as the USA, which has a more developed health system" (da koristimo iskustva stranih, zapadnoevropskih zemalja, kao i SAD koje imaju razvijeniji zdravstveni sistem),[366] advocating greater investments for domestic companies, and preventing bullying by creating "teams of parents, educators, and local municipal officers" (timski rad roditelja dece, prosvetnih radnika i lokalne zajednice).

At a press conference in the building of RIK, Jeremić said that Narodna would campaign on rejecting the Ohrid Agreement, prohibiting lithium mining, as well as "bringing back sovereignty over the national economy" (vraćanje suvereniteta nad nacionalnom ekonomijom).

It is difficult to compare something that actually exists with something that could possibly be" (Srbija protiv nasilja ako ne baš fikcija, onda, za sada, samo projekcija i, eventualno, želja nekih medijskih i političkih faktora.

[421] Miodrag Jovanović, a professor at the Faculty of Law, said that in regards to the Arena and the phantom voters[b] (fantomski glasači), "it is illegal for someone to have a residence where he does not live" (zabranjeno da neko ima prebivalište tamo gde ne živi).

[412] Brnabić accused the opposition and CRTA of "destabilising Serbia and its constitutional order" (destabilizuju zemlju i uruše ustavni poredak) and verbally attacked Schennach and Schieder due to them criticising the conduct of the election.

[446][447] The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and Danas newspaper reported in early December that on 22 September, Vučić signed an agreement with the European Commission on the production of lithium batteries in Serbia.

[454][455][456] Vučić alleged that a "an important country intervened in the election process of Serbia in the most brutal way" (jedne važne zemlje u izborni proces Srbije na najbrutalniji način).

[457] Nestorović of MI–GIN said that "even though no one gave us a chance, we became one of the four or five strongest parties" (iako im niko nije davao šanse, ušli u krug četiri, pet najjačih partija); he rejected cooperating with SNS or SPN after the elections.

[460] Miloš Bešić, a professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, said that the society in Serbia "is even more divided after the elections" (društvo podeljenije nego pre izbora) and argued that "the failure of right-wing parties is one of the main impressions of the voting results" (neuspeh desnice jedan od glavnih utisaka rezultata glasanja).

[478][479] In October, Dačić had said: "I am convinced that we will continue cooperation even after the victory in the December elections, in the interest of Serbia, and a better future for all the citizens of our country, as well as the Serbian people as a whole" (Uveren sam da ćemo takvu saradnju nastaviti i posle pobede na decembarskim izborima, u interesu Srbije i bolje budućnosti svih građana naše zemlje, kao i srpskog naroda u celini).

[481][482] Despite taking part with SNS in the Belgrade City assembly election, Vučić said that the next government would not include SRS due to programme differences, naming European Union as an example.

[486] Dušan Spasojević, a Faculty of Political Sciences professor, said that the "attacks on SPS are aimed to win back part of the voters who voted for the Socialists in the last elections, and perhaps to take over part of their voting base" (Napadi na SPS imaju za cilj da povrate deo birača koji je na prošlim izborima glasao za socijaliste, a možda i da preuzmu deo njihove baze).