Nine legislative chambers in the five permanently inhabited U.S. territories and the federal district of Washington, D.C., also held elections.

The states of Arizona, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania were expected to hold the most competitive elections for legislative control.

In Georgia, Michigan and North Dakota, and Washington, judges ruled that certain districts violated the Voting Rights Act.

Georgia[6] and Michigan[7] failed to protect African American communities of interest while North Dakota[8] and Washington[9] failed to protect Native American and Hispanic communities of interest respectively.

[12] Montana held its elections under new lines drawn by the state's independent redistricting commission.

Unlike every other state, Montana does not implement new legislative districts until the fourth year following the census.

[13] The North Carolina Supreme Court, which flipped to Republican control in 2022, overturned its previous ruling prohibiting partisan gerrymandering, enabling the Republican-controlled legislature to pass new maps seen as highly favorable to them.

[14] As part of the litigation in a racial gerrymandering case in South Carolina, which primarily concerned the state's first congressional district, the plaintiffs in the case agreed to drop their challenge to the state House's map in exchange for the legislature passing changes to a small set of districts.

[15] New legislative maps in Montana and Wisconsin were expected to lead to large Democratic gains in both houses of each state's legislature.

Presidential battlegrounds Georgia, Nevada, and North Carolina were not considered competitive due to heavy gerrymandering in each state,[16][17] while both legislative chambers in Alaska, Minnesota,[h] and New Hampshire were considered competitive despite not being characterized as presidential battlegrounds.

[18] In line with national predictions of an unpredictable and competitive presidential election, many analysts, including Louis Jacobson of Sabato's Crystal Ball saw neither party as having a distinct advantage towards making gains at the state legislative level, although others, including CNalysis, gave Democrats a slight edge in both net seat gain and net chamber gain, owed in part to favorable redistricting.

In the Texas House of Representatives, conservative Republicans ousted over a dozen opponents of school voucher legislation and targeted those who voted in favor of the impeachment of attorney general Ken Paxton.

These primaries, bolstered by Republican gains in the general election, gave the pro-voucher coalition a majority in the chamber for the first time.

[25][26] In the Wyoming House of Representatives, the far-right Freedom Caucus gained a majority in the chamber through the Republican primary election.

Additionally, supermajorities were obtained in other chambers: Democrats obtained supermajorities in both houses of the Oregon Legislative Assembly; while Republicans did so in the Iowa House of Representatives, the South Carolina Senate, and the New Hampshire Senate.

The Democratic-led coalition in the Senate maintained control, but it lost seats to the conservative Republican minority.

Conflict within the Idaho Republican Party's freedom caucus and more moderate wing led to a high number of primary challenges.

These challenges resulted in modest gains for the freedom caucus, including the ouster of Senate President Pro Tempore Chuck Winder.

[30] In the general election, Republicans won a handful of seats from the Democrats, further expanding their supermajorities in both legislative chambers.

Republicans won control of the House from the Democrats, creating a divided government.

Although Ohio Republican have enough seats to overturn a gubernatorial veto, they no longer hold the two-thirds majority needed in the House to unilaterally craft legislation.

Texas House Republicans have experienced considerable intraparty strife over issues such as school vouchers and the 2023 impeachment of Ken Paxton, the state's attorney general.

Republicans made significant gains in both legislative chambers, breaking the Democratic supermajorities in each.

Republican governor Phil Scott, who also won re-election in a landslide, campaigned heavily for downballot Republicans, tapping into voter discontent with issues such as housing affordability, school funding, and rising taxes.

Republicans expanded their supermajorities in both legislative chambers, flipping three open Democratic-held seats in the general election.

Redistricting ordered by the Wisconsin Supreme Court completely reshuffled the state's legislative districts, leaving dozens of seats across both chambers with no incumbents.

In the general election, despite a Democratic gain in a majority-native district, the freedom caucus won a majority of seats in the House of Representatives.

Gubernatorial and legislative elections are conducted on a nonpartisan basis in American Samoa.

[48] Additional special elections proved decisive in determining control of multiple legislative chambers.

[49][50][51] Republicans additionally maintained control of the New Hampshire House of Representatives through the numerous special elections held in the state.