Agrarian socialism
[2] Many agrarian socialist movements have tended to be rural (with an emphasis on decentralization and non-state forms of collective ownership), locally focused, and traditional.
Inspired by the CCP's Great Leap Forward, from 1975 to 1979, the CPK and the Khmer Rouge implemented an extreme policy of moving the entire urban population to the countryside to become farmers, which contributed to a famine.
Examples in Latin America include agrarian socialist movements and sentiments that were developed in 19th-century Mexico by the indigenous Huastecan culture as part of its clash with Spanish imperialism.
[1] Agricultural collectivization seeks to contribute to the efficiency and productivity of large-scale farming while mitigating related issues of landlessness or overmigration to urban districts.
[7] The socialist movement sparked as a response to the exploitation of rural laborers and landless peasants who worked as farmers under feudalism in southeastern Hungary during the Habsburg Monarchy.
In 1890, the Magyarországi Szociáldemokrata Párt (MSZDP) started to mobilize and organize agricultural workers, which resulted in rural laborers and poor peasant farmers protesting feudal landlords and local magistrates.
The uprising led to the Austria-Hungarian government declaring a state of siege, which resulted in mass arrests of socialist activists and brutal treatment of peasants in rural Hungary.
After the February Revolution of 1917 it shared power with liberal, social democratic, and other socialist parties within the Russian Provisional Government.
The Socialist Revolutionaries' ideology was built upon the philosophical foundation of Russia's narodnik, a movement of the 1860s and the 1870s and its worldview developed primarily by Alexander Herzen and Pyotr Lavrov.
[15] After a period of decline and marginalization in the 1880s, the narodnik school of thought about social change in Russia was revived and substantially modified by a group of writers and activists known as "neonarodniki" (neo-populists), particularly Viktor Chernov.
In that way, with the economic spurt and the industrialization in Russia in the 1890s, they attempted to broaden their appeal to attract the rapidly growing urban workforce to their traditionally peasant-oriented program.
The Socialist Revolutionaries wanted the division of land for the peasant tenants, rather than the Bolsheviks' desire of collectivization in authoritarian state management.
Under the first definition, smallholding subsistence farmers who do not employ wage labor are, as owners of their land, would be members of the petty bourgeoisie.
[16] In 1950, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) enacted the Agrarian Reform Law, which confiscated the property of feudal landlords and redistributed it to the peasants.
[18] The specific cause of the agricultural crisis and resultant famine is debated, yet many sources attribute it to the Great Leap Forward.
[18][19][20][21] From 1958 to 1962, the Chinese Communist Party orchestrated a socioeconomic campaign, referred to as the Great Leap Forward, to rapidly develop the nation's agricultural and industrial economies.
[19] Once the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) came to power in Cambodia in 1975, the government commenced the implementation of agrarian socialist policies in the nation's agricultural sector.
[23] Dr. Kate Frieson, a researcher and policy analyst at Royal Roads University, considers those conditions to have led to the collapse of Cambodia's agricultural economy and to the resultant famine.
[29] The Socialist Party of Oklahoma advocated for agricultural collectivization and worker-owned farms and against the crop lien system, usury, and tenancy.
Once settled, various MST branches were legitimized under the "social function" component of the Republic of Brazil's constitution, meaning that their contributions to society were recognized by the government.
Finally, money earned by the cooperative was reinvested into the settlement to help sustain their farming technology, healthcare, and educational facilities amongst other things.
Under this capitalist system, American enterprises claimed land previously belonging to small farmers for their own agricultural monopolies.
Previously corporate-owned farms were soon turned over to small family farmers or obtained by the state for their own mass food production purposes.
In the 19th century, creole and mestizo Mexican elites oppressed Huastecans by expropriating their land and privatizing it for their own political goals, which included building railroads and other capital-accumulating developments.
A combination of radicalization efforts by anarchists from Mexico City and Socialist priests, for instance, Padre Mauricio Zavala, and oppression from the creole and mestizo elite helped Huasteacans develop their peasant class consciousness.
Their national and class identities fused together creating the spirit of rebellion based on the principles of abolishing private property, reclaiming land rights, obtaining access to government representation, and other civil liberties.
However, he betrayed them by choosing to implement liberal reforms, which strengthened private property laws and further persecuted Huastecans instead.
Other peasant groups, for instance, the Morelo people of Mexico experienced the same fate as the Huastecans under the dictatorship rule of Diaz.
The peasant groups combined their strengths and began a new socialist revolution that would abolish "any new revolutionary government that failed to address the needs of Mexico's impoverished and politically excluded rural population...".
