[48] These sentiments are supported by Archaeology as Archaeologists uncovered Parthian (247 BC – 224 AD) related artefacts in Shahkhoura,[58] and remains of Christian church in Samaheej belonging to the mid-4th and mid-8th centuries.

The number began to increase significantly in the year 1850, and due to the natural problems that the Iranian arena faced, such as lack of rain and famine, this led to migration to Bahrain.

In my opinion, no one leaves his homeland, land and tribe unless he is forced to.The number began to increase significantly in the year 1850, and due to the natural problems that the Iranian arena faced, such as lack of rain and due to waves of famine, cholera and smallpox outbreaks and increased crime rates, this led to immigration to a large-scale migration to Bahrain.

[7]: 8 [2] It was around this time that Sheikh Muhammad bin Khalifah Al Khalifa had in 1851 asked for Iranian protection against Wahabbis and declared his preparedness to be a Qajar Iran protectorate.

[7]: 13 [2]: 60 During the early 20th century, the Iranian central government imposed new import and export taxes,[19] The introduction of taxes was an effort to reinforce the authority of the Iranian state and draw revenue from affluent peripheral areas like Bandar Lingeh and Bushehr, which were key economic hubs in the Gulf during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

[21] To escape the heavy taxation, many merchants simply relocated to the other side, a practice that had been common for centuries due to the familiarity of the region,[19] prompting the migration of tens of thousands of people from southern Iran to the opposite shores.

[21] According to Lindsey Stephenson; speaker for the Ajam Media Collective, this request was a temporary measure rather than an attempt to permanently cede jurisdiction, reflecting the historically fluid and overlapping borders in the Gulf region.

[19] This shift marked the introduction of new territorialized identities in the Gulf,[19][21] replacing earlier conceptions of belonging that were based on familial ties rather than geographic origin.

[19][21] The British court system reinforced this "spatial awareness", bringing a legal and official understanding of belonging that was increasingly tied to territorial boundaries.

[19][21] Despite the British designation of Iranians as foreigners,[19][21] the Sheikh of Bahrain viewed them as part of his subjects,[19][21] prioritizing their economic contributions over any concern about their origins.

[64]: 292 The second wave of pre-revolutionary Iranian emigration to the Arab littoral built upon the first and was largely driven by Reza Shah’s efforts to consolidate control over autonomous and restive provinces during the 1920s and 1930s.

In 1924, he subdued the Arab rulers of Khuzestan, an oil-rich region, and by 1928, his forces had taken control of Hengam Island, establishing a customs post that challenged the Dubai-aligned local leadership.

These efforts included increased taxation, enforcing Western-style clothing, and banning traditional beards—changes that were met with resistance from many Iranians aiming to preserve their Muslim identity.

[7]: 20 In the 1920s, a wave of nationalism began to sweep through the ‘Ajam community in Bahrain, inspired by Reza Shah's rise to power in 1925 and his modernizing efforts, which promised to bring Iran closer to contemporary standards of living.

These developments offered better employment opportunities, access to education, and improved healthcare compared to Iran, where economic challenges and limited industrialization in some regions prompted migration.

[16]: 4 The mid-1950s uprising and the labour protests of the mid-1960s linked Bahrain's destiny to the rise of Arab nationalism, led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

A significant achievement of the nationalist movement was the removal of Charles Belgrave, who had come to symbolize unwelcome Western colonial interference in the affairs of an Arab nation.

[2]: 64–65 Despite the significant Gulf Iranian population in Dubai, pro-Iran demonstrations did not materialize during the dispute between Iran and the UAE over Abu Musa and the Tunb islands.

This inaction, aimed at avoiding conflicts with Gulf governments, earned some enmity from Bahrain's Arab Shi’a community for perceived indifference to local grievances.

But we got in new labyrinths and greed of a different kind wrapped in revolutionary and religious slogans.Throughout the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), Gulf Iranians, especially in Dubai, played crucial roles in the region's economic life, regardless of their Shi’a background.

[7]: 97 The Bahraini people became considerably very religious after the 1979 events,[7]: 99–100  and the Wahhabi movement in Saudi which was strengthened by oil exports,[75]: 61–62  Musa Al-Ansari recounts: "I do not know why the revolution took this character in Bahrain.

[80] Gulf nationals who cannot trace their ancestry to Arabian origins and tribal affiliations are typically excluded from high-ranking government positions, while those with no Arab lineage are often limited to the most junior roles.

It is worth noting that the majority of Bahrain's Shia population are Bahrani people who are mostly (around 50%) eastern Arabs and (around 30%~) North West Asian (Iranian, Caucasian, and Mespotamian) according to their genes,[citation needed] and the two (Baharna and Ajams) can be often conflated by many.

"[15] It is also noted that this group (the "Ajam" who later adopted the title "Huwala") introduced Nationalism during the heyday of Gamal Abdel Naser as means of fighting colonialism.

[16][2]: 64 Since 1980s till mid 2000s, a lot of "Bidoon" Iranians have been deported back to Iran,[2] many of which were working for BAPCO, the island's oil company, claimed to have been an attempt to open up more jobs for the native Bahraini population.

"[89] These statements reignited anti-Persian, anti-Iranian, and anti-Shia sentiments, with many resorting to the term “Majus” (مجوس) as a derogatory slur on social media.

[129] Himself an immigrant from the Dashti region of Iran, he single-handedly organised processions, collected donations and hired orators (Arabic: خطيب) to speak at the matam.

[129] Construction started in 1882 as a specialized building where Ashura, a holy day in Shia Islam, would be marked with processions, ceremonial flagellation and passion plays commemorating the death of Imam Hussain.

For much of the 20th century, the matam had relied on yearly donations of money and land from rich and poor members of the Persian community and from waqf revenue.

In order to prevent confusion, the board appointed a specific member, Hasan Baljik, to act as key carrier to the matam and responsible for programs and budgetary issues.