Anti-English sentiment

In Northern Ireland, anti-English sentiment, arising from complex historical and political dynamics, was exemplified in the IRA's targeting of England during the Troubles.

Outside the UK, anti-English sentiment exists in countries like Australia, New Zealand, France, Ireland, Russia, India, the United States, and Argentina.

British statesman and Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli said that the proud English were sprung from "a horde of Baltic pirates who were never heard of in the greater annals of the world.

In 1999, an inspector and race relations officer with Lothian and Borders Police said that a correlation had been noticed between the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and anti-English incidents.

[24][25] In 2000, the Chairman of Swansea Bay Race Equality Council said that "Devolution has brought a definite increase in anti-English behaviour" citing three women who believed that they were being discriminated against in their careers because they could not speak Welsh.

The note which Dyfed-Powys Police are treating as a hate crime, read: 'Iorwerth Ave was once a nice, quiet, pleasant residential area until a load of [people] from the Midlands hit', and 'Low-life like you should be forced to live in fenced in sites, preferably back where you came from.'

[32] In his 1859 essay A Few Words on Non-Intervention, John Stuart Mill notes that England "finds itself, in respect of its foreign policy, held up to obloquy as the type of egoism and selfishness; as a nation which thinks of nothing but of out-witting and out-generalling its neighbours" and urges his fellow countrymen against "the mania of professing to act from meaner motives than those by which we are really actuated".

[40][41] In 1346, Edward III exhibited in Parliament a forged ordinance, in which Philip VI of France would have called for the destruction of the English nation and country.

[58] Films set during the Irish War of Independence, such as The Informer (1935) and the Plough and the Stars (1936), were criticised by the BBFC for the director John Ford's anti-English content and in recent years, Michael Collins and The Wind That Shakes the Barley (despite being a joint British-Irish production) have led to accusations of Anglophobia in the British press.

In 2006, Antony Booth, the father-in-law of Tony Blair, claimed he was the victim of anti-English vandalism and discrimination while living in County Cavan, Ireland, with his wife.

[68] In 2018, the Irish author and journalist Megan Nolan wrote an opinion piece for The New York Times that detailed how she had come to hate England and English people.

[69] Despite having formed an alliance between the two nations since Tsarist rule, due to the Great Game, a wave of widespread Anglophobia took hold in Russia, with the fear of English meddling and intervention.

In 1924, these tensions were briefly cooled when the Labour government of Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald formally recognized the Soviet Union and established diplomatic relations between the two countries.

Reasons suggested for the faltering of Anglophobia included the impact of the Second World War, and reduced political support for Irish nationalist movements compared with that in earlier periods.

Moser also said:[77] In an age when the wealthiest and most influential Americans tended to be associated with things British—the vast majority were of Anglo-Saxon descent, wore English-tailored suits, drove British-made automobiles, and even spoke with affected British accents—it was quite natural for Great Britain to fall within the sights of disaffected populists.

When one thinks of wealth and influence in contemporary America, particularly when one considers those who have made their fortunes in the past thirty years, English culture does not immediately spring to mind.The film industry is widely perceived to give a British nationality to a disproportionate number of villains.

These imparted both elements of the Irish-American performers' own national bias, and the popular stereotypical image that the English people were bourgeois, aloof, or upper class.

[85] Sentiments quickly turned into direct and violent action when in the 1860s the Fenian Brotherhood Society invaded Canada to provoke a United States-British war in hope it would lead to Irish independence.

[87] Goldwin Smith, professor at Cornell University, wrote in the North American Review that "hatred of England" was used as a tool to win the Irish-American vote.

[91] One newspaper, the Gaelic American, called a student performance of the British national anthem by some girls of Irish heritage from a convent school an act of disloyalty, where they were taught to reverence the traditions of the hereditary enemy of their race and religion.

[91] In recent years American political commentators, such as Pat Buchanan, have highlighted the anti-English stance of the Irish Diaspora in the United States of America.

In its prologue, entitled "Against the English it is better", the social historian states The anti-British sentiment is perhaps one of the most widespread and rooted in our idiosyncrasy, to the point that it has become flesh in football, our most popular sport.

Each success of the blue and white team is usually a reason for collective joy, but a victory against the English is much more; it vibrates the national spirit, no matter how dejected it may be at the time.

Characters such as Manuel Belgrano, who had faced the English invasions of Buenos Aires in 1806 and 1807 or Mariano Moreno, among the independence leaders, supported policies similar to those of the British and the dispute over the Falkland Islands did not sour relations.

The 1929 crisis and the coup that overthrew Hipólito Yrigoyen in 1930, with the fall in export prices, will be the determining factors in the appearance of an Anglophobic sentiment linked to the rejection of neo-colonialism or British imperialism.

This is what the Spanish pedagogue Lorenzo Luzuriaga observed upon arriving in Argentina in 1940, who in a letter to Américo Castro analysed the different attitudes towards the outbreak of the World War People here are very confused.

On the one hand, there is economic Anglophobia about alleged British imperialism and exploitation; on the other, the Russophile extremists who have raised the banner of neutrality and indifference to the conflict; on the other, the Francophiles (Victoria Ocampo's group) who do not know what to do with the defection from France, and finally a small Anglophile minority, ready to help in the fight by all means.Philosopher Mario Bunge, in an interview granted to Jorge Fontevecchia on May 4, 2008, collected in Reportajes 2, alluded to the spread of Anglophobic sentiment in the years of the conflict, explainable "because many of the companies had been owned by the English" and attributed to this feeling the approach to Nazism of Carlos Astrada, introducer of existentialist philosophy in Argentina.

[94] Post-independence, Anglophobia has persisted in various forms, often manifesting as resistance to Western cultural dominance and the lingering impact of colonial attitudes in modern Indian society.

[95] This historical context has fostered a complex relationship with the English language and British cultural elements, where they are both integrated into Indian society and simultaneously viewed with suspicion or disdain by some.

The legacy of colonial exploitation has left a deep imprint on India's collective memory, contributing to a continued wariness of British influence in both political and cultural spheres.