His younger son and the grandfather of Antonio, Felipé Mazarrasa Cobo de la Torre (1789-1879),[5] inherited the grand family house in Villaverde and became one of the 50 largest rural taxpayers in the Santander province.

Mazarrasa Jorganes married Josefa Quintanilla López-Galmares (died 1906),[10] daughter to an enriched indiano originated from the Salamanca province and his Mexican wife, both settled in Cantabria.

[12] Though 3 younger sons became engineers, supposed to manage technicalities of the mining business, Antonio entered the faculty of law at Universidad Central in Madrid.

In the early 1880s he was noted as an active student;[13] following graduation in 1885[14] and his brief apprenticeship period later, in 1887 he entered Colegio de Abogados in Santander[15] and opened his own law firm in the Cantabrian capital,[16] soon to look after legal affairs of the Mazarrasa mining conglomerate.

One son perished during infancy in 1917;[19] two others were executed by the Republicans in 1936, one in Bilbao[20] and one – who started to earn his name as an Atletico Madrid winger[21] – in Paracuellos de Jarama.

[27] Antonio's grandfather held minor roles in Carlist structures of the late Isabelline period,[28] while his relative José Tomás de Mazarrasa served as bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo and Filipopolis.

[29] The young Antonio inherited their political outlook; already during his academic years he signed letters protesting secularization in education,[30] and then he married a girl from the vehemently Carlist family.

[43] His spell in the ayuntamiento continued; as a coalition candidate Mazarrasa was re-elected in 1901,[44] though in 1902 he lost the internal city council elections for the post of deputy mayor.

His 1897 taking part in a local party rally in Liébana, where he accompanied one of the parliamentarian Carlist leaders Matías Barrio y Mier, was rather exceptional.

Mazarrasa was barely active; the official Cortes records note only his intervention in favor of legislation on Cantabrian mining, which was supposed to expedite river transport and loading facilities in the Bay of Santander.

[61] Briefly nominated to Santander town hall as consejal interino,[62] during the following general election of 1907 Mazarrasa ceded the would-be Laguardia mandate to a fellow Carlist Celestino Alcocer.

[69] Other means of propaganda were issuing joint open letters, publicized in Traditionalist press,[70] funding prizes at Juegos Florales, e.g. in 1911,[71] or attending banquets, e.g. in Labastida in 1913.

[72] His position in the party was increasingly prestigious; apart from cases of exaltation in Traditionalist papers[73] he was being asked to act as presidente honorario of some juvenile circles.

[76] In the 1910s Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by a conflict between the claimant Don Jaime and the key party theorist, Juan Vázquez de Mella.

The latter favored a grand ultra-right coalition with dynastic questions de-emphasized and pro-German stand during the Great War; the former prioritized his own claim over would-be political alliances and sympathized with the Entente.

[79] However, he did not adopt a rigid, Carlist dynastic stand; when in 1918 Alfonso XIII toured Cantabria and visited industrial installations of Altos Hornos de Nueva Montaña, Mazarrasa effusively welcomed him on site.

[86] The key items are his shares in Minas Mazarrasa and Nueva Montaña, though the lead and zinc ore deposits were getting depleted and the mining enterprises were operating on the verge of profitability.

[87] However, the family business was diversified and covered also Banco Mercantil, Nueva Argentífera, Sociedad Minas del Carmen, Compañía Azufrera de Hellín y Moratalla and many other;[88] Mazarrasa owned even land on the Fernando Poó island[89] in Spanish Guinea.

[99] As a former Carlist, high dictadura official, business mogul, member of social establishment and known right-winger Mazarrasa was detained by revolutionary militias along with his son, who was later executed.