Mautam
'The Finish of Mau Bamboo')[1] is a cyclic ecological phenomenon that occurs every 48–50 years in the northeastern Indian states of Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur, as well as in many places of Assam which are 30% covered by wild bamboo forests, and Chin State in Myanmar, particularly Hakha, Thantlang, Falam, Paletwa and Matupi Townships.
[5] Regular rodent outbreaks associated with bamboo flowering (and subsequent fruiting and seeding) also occur in the nearby Indian states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland,[6] as well as in Laos, Japan, Madagascar, and South America.
[10] Local knowledge on the phenomenon describe the swarming of an insect called thangang (locusts) preceding all instances of mautam.
[10] In 1911 under Superintendent F.C Henniker, the missionary James Herbert Lorrain and Mizo elders, a report on the full extent of mautam and bamboo and associated indigenous knowledge was compiled.
It is speculated for this reason, previous inhabitants of the Lushai Hills left or evacuated due to the pressure of food insecurity.
Colonel McCulloch of Manipur reported as early as 1858 on the mass flowering of bamboo and how an increase in rodent population had led to unrest in the region.
[18] The settlers under Khalkam who belonged to the Rangte subclan arrived in Cachar and settled near the Dharmakal tea estate.
Countless areas such as Tipaimukh, Jalnacherra, Akai settlement, and Hailakandi Valley were settled by Lushai refugees, with some even arriving in rafts from the Tlawng River.
[20] The Assistance Commissioner of Cachar, Mr Place and Rai Bahadur Hari Charan Sarma visited the Lushai Hills to report the amount of rice aid required through the observable population.
Midway through November the upas from chiefs Lalsavenga, Sailenpui, Banaitangi and Lengpunga met with Rai Bahadur with requests for food.
The chiefs wished the riverine bazaars and traders to reopen their markets and sell them food, which they could repay with the next jhum harvest.
His experience in famine relief described the deaths of many, the emaciation of the elderly and children and the number of individuals leaving their settlements to the plains to secure better sources of food.
A report detailed a population of 30,000 in the South Lushai Hills, when accounting for smaller diets in children the number was closed in to 20,000.
[16] British intelligence reports from J. Knox Wight hinted at the desperation of tribes to prepare raiding on the bordering settlements in Cachar, Tripura and Manipur.
The British provided relief to the refugees but considered the possibility of invading the Lushai Hills and ending all future hostilities the raiders might bring once more.
[17] Points against the invasion included helping the chiefs form good relations with the British, preventing permanent settlements of refugees in British territory, requiring the foresight of the Government of India in regard to territory changes and the futility of past expeditions in conquering tribes in the unfamiliar terrain.
[17][23] The British found it advantageous to advance into the Lushai Hills under friendly overtures to study the geography, culture and politics of the unknown frontier.
The government of Assam also gave orders to the mirasdars and other well off cultivators to redirect their rice to the Lushai Hills aid relief operations.
With the support of F. Knox Wight, the Chief Commissioner of Shillong contacted the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Sir Bailey who agreed to help.
The lieutenant governor of Bengal, Sir Bayley authorised officers for the creation of grain storages at Demagiri and other stations.
On 5 March 1882, E. Lowie submitted a report detailing about 3000 houses requiring aid which would amount up to 14000 maunds total.
[26] The 1910-1911 mautam famine was preceded by a locust swarm (thangnang) which engulfed trees and created a noise described as a monsoon.
[28] However, the successful harvest of the year saw an excess of crops and grains that were stored away and used to offset the effects of the booming rat population.
In some cases, even if individuals paid off their loan and interest for the rice aid, then they would still be required to partake in forced labour for the British for those who were not able-bodied and failed to pay.
Public service programs educated individuals to use poison baits properly with volunteers spreading the information to village councils.
[34][35] On 29 October 1958, the district council passed a unanimous resolution to source precautionary funds for the famine and to test relief strategies.
Most Assamese officials also did not believe that a bamboo flowering could lead to famine at the time and withheld support for precautionary measures.
[37] Medical aid for malnutrition and increased exposure to disease was also funded, and nutritious food programs were established for children.
Chaliha, public donations, Indian Peoples Famine Trust Fund and the National Christian Council of India.
[43] During the mautam period of 1958 and 1959 the Mizo National Famine Front (MNFF) was set up to provide relief to the far-flung areas.
