[1] Bhutan was ranked 13th most electoral democratic country in Asia according to V-Dem Democracy indices in 2023 with a score of 0.535 out of 1.
[2][3] The process of modernization and democratization was initiated by the Third King of Bhutan Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (r. October 27, 1952 – July 21, 1972) amid increasing internal and external political complexity.
[7] Under the reign of H.M Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, Bhutan further endeavored simultaneously to foster foreign ties and to develop its own infrastructure under five year plans.
Since the abdication of the Fourth King, the head of state has retained the regal title, but no longer reigns with absolute power.
[8] The reign of the Fifth and current King of Bhutan H.M Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck has seen the enactment of the Constitution of 2008, as well as the democratic elections of both houses of Parliament and three levels of local government (dzongkhag, gewog, and thromde).
[12] The sister of Prime Minister Jigme Dorji – the daughter of Topgay Raja – married the Third King of Bhutan, creating a new bond so prominent as to cause some discontent among other Bhutanese families;[13] the public has been divided politically between pro-modernist and pro-monarchist camps.
These were followed by actual elections to choose Bhutan's first democratic government in the form of a bicameral parliament.
Local elections for dzongkhag, gewog, and thromde governments were conducted on a staggered schedule between January and August 2011.
Voter participation was markedly lower than in previous elections, owing variously to delays, disillusionment, and complications in voting procedure.
The two leading parties put up randomly chosen high school students as candidates in the 47 constituencies in the second round in an effort to produce a two-party system to avoid the need for coalition governments and possible political instability.
The PDP's leader, Sangay Ngedup, who is also the ruling king's uncle, lost his own constituency by 380 votes.
Reportedly, there were few differences between the platforms of the two parties, which might explain the unexpectedly uneven results; analysts are worried that the small representation of the opposition may obstruct the functioning of the newly founded democratic system.
The DPT officially approved its leader Jigme Thinley as candidate for Prime Minister on 5 April 2008.
It was thoroughly planned by several government officers and agencies over a period of almost seven years amid increasing democratic reforms in Bhutan.
The King expressed his desire that the Lhengye Zhungtshog and the Chief Justice should hold discussions on formulating the Draft Constitution, and ordered the formation of the Drafting Committee from among government officials, National Assembly members, and eminent citizens who were well qualified, had a good understanding of the laws of Bhutan.
Notably, a lack of candidates contesting seats resulted in a total of 373 vacancies remained after local government elections.
[38] During election re-runs, the democratic process again performed: despite the discouraging disqualifications, long journeys to polling stations, and decreased voter turnout in Goenshari from 382 to 323, the rerun proved hotly contested and was won by Kinley Dorji by a narrow 16 votes.
This is one of the reasons the government has gone to such lengths as mock elections to train the people and insure an orderly transition.
[40] As noted by the human rights agency Freedom House, "In 1989, a royal kasho (decree) reintroduced the code of traditional dress known as driglam namzha and the requirement to wear the traditional gho and kira when visiting government offices and monasteries, while also emphasizing the use of Dzongkha as the national language."
In addition to forcing people to speak Dzonghka in public places, the government began to increasingly encroach upon the way of life by enforcing driglam namzha for all people, requiring them to dress in Ngalop robes and follow Drukpa Buddhist practices from attending the temple to their manner of serving tea.
This, along with other limits on the Nepali people, resulted in an estimated 100,000 ethnic Nepalese who fled to refugee camps across the border in Nepal.
[15] The loosely organized Bhutanese pro-democracy movement in the United States is located in Austin, Texas.