It was significant for institutionalizing the reform of Brazil's political and social organization, establishing Brazilian democracy - with the inclusion of the military, the urban middle class, workers and industrialists.

The document reformulated the organization of the First Republic and made progressive changes, but it was short-lived: in 1937, a ready-made constitution was signed by Getúlio Vargas, converting the president into a dictator and the revolutionary state into an authoritarian one.

They argued that the provisional government was, in fact, a dictatorship, and Vargas responded by claiming that the Constituent Assembly had already been convened in February 1932, before the revolution.

[9][1][10] The 1934 document was drafted and discussed in the National Constituent Assembly, which consisted of 214 parliamentarians, plus 40 union representatives, recommended by the government itself, as was done in Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany.

Both important reforms (such as changing the electoral system, with a secret ballot and women's suffrage) and simply details (such as the modernization of spelling rules and whether or not to mention "God" in the preamble) were the subject of debate.

It also established federalism in Brazil, with autonomous states in relation to the Union; in practice, this didn't happen, as the Vargas government promoted the centralization of power from the beginning.

The main criticism was based on its inflationary nature, since it was calculated that if all the nationalizations of banks and mines were carried out, and if all the social rights provided for in it were implemented, the costs for private companies, government spending and the public deficit would increase greatly.

On November 11, 1940, at the commemorations of the 10th anniversary of the 1930 revolution, Getúlio briefly expressed his criticism of the 1934 Constitution:[11] A hasty constitutionalization, out of time, presented as a solution to all ills, resulted in a political organization tailored to personal influences and factional partisanship, divorced from existing realities.

At that time, the first major national campaign involving the press was registered: the debate about the nationalist appeal proclaimed by Integralism, an anti-liberal, anti-socialist, authoritarian movement, similar to Italian Fascism.