[18] Isaías recovered for three months[5] before travelling to San Luis de Huari to find better treatment and on the way back to his family, he was told that his father had passed away.

The rubber worker, to provide himself with pawns, sent emissaries to the nomadic tribes and scattered in the immensity of the jungle, with the slogan of making it known to his ears that in a certain place the Son of the Sun had appeared ...They used a surprising cunning to convince the Indians to abandon their freedom; by means of seductive words and gifts, they reduced them and fixed their tents on the banks of the rivers, to have them more at hand as cargo ships for collecting rubber or laborers for the cultivation of the chácaras.

[79][73][71] On the second expedition in 1894, Fitzcarrald forced Piro[80] and Asháninka natives, as well as around 100 non-natives, under the threat of death to dismantle the Contamana steamship, [80][81][82][73] transport it over a mountain[77] and across the isthmus.

[76] Rubber was then transferred to ships on the Mishagua that could reach the Urubamba, the Ucayali River, and thereby sail down the Amazon to markets and Atlantic ports for export.

[83] In an article titled "'Purús Song': Nationalization and Tribalization in Southwestern Amazonia", anthropologist Peter Gow refuted claims Fitzcarrald, and later his brother Delfín, discovered any portage routes.

[76]Fitzcarrald's expeditions into the Madre de Dios region are considered to be the cause of the modern-day division between local Yine and Mashco Piro peoples.

[57] Anthropologist Stefano Varese described a strategy used by Fitzcarrald against the natives, stating: With a deep knowledge of the mountain, he knew how to use traditional rivalries ...

[50] Hundreds of Toyeri and Araseri natives were massacred in this part of the Madre de Dios because they would not extract rubber for Fitzcarrald or permit his enterprise to travel through their territory.

[50][x] Many Toyeri and Araseri natives fled the area to escape these attacks but the subsequent migrations led to other conflicts among indigenous groups.

[98] Dominican missionary José Álvarez provided details of another conflict between Fitzcarrald and a Mashco tribe that may have occurred during the same expedition as the one in the incident described by da Cunha.

According to Álvarez: After a beating of drums, Fitzcarrald replied, via an interpreter, that if the Mashco opposed him he would give them a good thrashing, right down to the tiniest baby ... the Indians retreated ... they tied objects (gifts brought by the rubber barons) to their arrowheads and, drawing their bows, fired them at the encampment ... All the tribes rose up to stop Fitzcarrald who, to put an end to the Mashco, prepared a raid with his captains Maldonado, Galdós and Sanchez ...

[102] Fitzcarrald's captain Maldonado led a campaign in the Sahuinto area, where his group killed many Mashco men before enslaving their women and children.

[106][107][ab] Fitzcarrald had traveled on the steamship Contamana along with merchandise, which he offered to the Bolivians at lower rates than Suárez could find along the Madeira and Beni Rivers.

[110][ae] Vaca Díez was invited into a developing business network, which would create an association of Peruvian, Bolivian, and Brazilian rubber exporters.

[107] Around 300 men were distributed at points ranging from 20 to 30 miles (32 to 48 km) between Mishagua and El Carmen to establish new supply stations, which would support the enterprise's operations in the area.

[118] Balbastro was persuaded to stay at Mishagua and work for Fitzcarrald's enterprise for a season; he later told Fray Sala about some of the atrocities and abuses he witnessed white caucheros perpetrate against natives.

[126][ao][ap] The steamship Contamana was sold to Fitzcarrald's new Bolivian associates but it sank on the same day of its sale due to unforeseen damage that occurred during its passage.

[107][129] In 1896, the Peruvian government granted Fitzcarrald exclusive navigational rights to the Upper Ucayali,[7] Urubamba, Manu, and Madre de Dios rivers.

[133] The same year, Vaca Díez traveled to London to register The Orton Rubber Co. and he intended to return to Bolivia with several new migrants who would work for him.

[136][at] Fitzcarrald died at age 35 on July 9, 1897, together with his Bolivian business partner Vaca Díez, when their ship Adolfito sank in the Urubamba River in an accident.

[142][az] After July 1897, some of the remaining Mashco and Guarayo natives along the Madre de Dios River began attacking canoes and raiding settlements established by Fitzcarrald's enterprise.

[114][152][ba] The Mashcos were able to assume control over the isthmus and burned down rubber stations,[153] killed mules that provided transportation on the route, and damaged infrastructure Fitzcarrald's enterprise had established.

[112] Suárez laid claim to assets owned by Fitzcarrald's enterprise, and began excursions into Peruvian-held territory on the Madre de Dios and Ucayali Rivers.

[158][138] Anthropologist Alberto Chirif said a significant factor for the variability of the rubber boom's impacts on the Amazon is due to the 1897 shipwreck that killed Fitzcarrald and Vaca Díez.

[169][111] In 1915, Federico and José controlled a large workforce of Asháninka natives at the Casa Fitzcarrald, which was located at the confluence of the Urubamba and Tambo Rivers.

[174] Søren Hvalkof said the local reputation of Fitzcarrald and Scharff in the Ucayali area sanctioned the exploitative treatment of natives in that region.

[175] Some of this information was disputed by Zacarías Valdez Lozano in 1944, who gave his account of events in a book in Spanish titled El verdadero Fitzcarrald ante la historia.

[bi] Gabriel Sala first reported these rumors in 1897, and they were included in Reyna's biography; Valdez denied this claim but did not offer an explanation of the use of this myth.

Anthropologist Michael Fobes Brown said chiefs like Amaringo, who worked for Fitzcarrald, may have used these rumors but he states that whether or not those figures were familiar enough with the concept of an "amachengua" to exploit this belief may never be known.

This book discusses the partnership between Carlos Fitzcarrald, Vaca Díez, and Nicolas Suarez, and includes an eyewitness account of the Adolfito accident.