Censorship in Hong Kong
By law, censorship is usually practised against the distribution of certain materials, particularly child pornography, obscene images, sedition, separatism, state secrets, and reports on court cases which may lead to unfair trial.
[3] Observers have noted a trend of decreasing press freedom in the territory, including physical attacks on journalists, acts targeted at liberal media and against their owners, withdrawal of advertising revenues, and appointment of compliant pro-Beijing chief editors.
Since the handover, Hong Kong newspapers (and especially English-language media) have increased their use of a self-declared editorial independence as a marketing tool towards international audiences.
[10] In 2001, the HKJA expressed concerns that government's and Tung Chee-hwa's "shrill rhetoric [in vilifying Falun Gong] threatens open debate by encouraging self-censorship".
[5] Since then, a number of factors, particularly self-censorship, and high-profile incidents affecting the media have pointed to increasing erosion of journalists' ability to report the news in an objective manner.
In a report published alongside the index, it was noted that "arrests, assaults and harassment worsened working conditions for journalists [in Hong Kong] to an extent not seen previously, a sign of a worrying change in government policy.
[4][16] All told, the incidence of censorship, political pressure to self-censor and intimidation is increasing, according to PEN American Center, International Federation of Journalists.
The Guardian described the protests as "the best-documented social movement in history, with even its quieter moments generating a maelstrom of status updates, shares and likes.
[26] Wang is mainland-born, and is a member of the Provincial Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in Jilin; the paper has since stepped up coverage of the death and aftermath as major news stories.
In 1997, reporters were denied permission to cover a Hong Kong reception organised by the Chinese Foreign Ministry due to their history of criticising China.
The reporting, thought by many internet forum users as an act to gain the favour of the Central Government, was likened to CCTV and earned it the portmanteau "CCTVB".
A director of production in the non-drama department ordered all petitioners to a meeting with their supervisors, where the employees were asked to remove their signature or jeopardise their year end bonuses.
[45][46] The Hong Kong Journalists Association, which noted that the HKEJ had received complaints about its coverage from central government's liaison office, and condemned the "open violation" of the one-country two-systems principle.
[50] In late 2013, as a prelude to the renewal of its broadcasting licence, Commercial Radio Hong Kong replaced outspoken critic of CY Leung who hosted an influential prime-time morning talk show.
[52] In January 2014, Kevin Lau, chief editor of the liberal Ming Pao, was abruptly replaced by Chong Tien Siong, an inexperienced Singapore-based Malaysian journalist who, according to The Economist, is widely regarded as pro-establishment.
[5][57] While the police suspect the attack was carried out by the Wo Shing Wo triad,[58] it is widely believed to have been reprisals for his paper's investigative contribution to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) report on the offshore assets of China's leaders, including relatives of Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping, former Premier Wen Jiabao, and several members of the National People's Congress.
[62] According to an article written by Kevin Lau in Ming Pao, "parties close to the government" applied pressure on committee members behind the scenes to block Chan's appointment,[63][64] and the finger was said to be pointed directly at the office of the Chief Executive.
[69] At a ballet premiere in November 2014, local media reported that one scene that contained images from the Cultural Revolution was cut; the production company blamed it on a "technical error".
[5] To publicise its involvement in the 2015 Hong Kong marathon, Puma posted an image of a facsimile runner's identification tag bearing the number "D7689" onto its Facebook page.
One supporter of the Loving Hong Kong movement objected to the number, writing to the global CEO of the manufacturer saying that it was disrespectful to chief executive CY Leung and threatened to initiate a mass boycott of the company's sportswear.
[79][80] The news shocked the local publishing industry, and vice-chairman of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China said that it was "hard not to associate the disappearance of the four people with Beijing's suppression of banned books".
[92] The event was opposed by the governments of China and Hong Kong, because the issue of independence supposedly crossed one of the "bottom lines" on national sovereignty.
[95] Mallet was subjected to a four-hour interrogation by immigration officers on his return from Thailand on Sunday 7 October before he was finally allowed to enter Hong Kong on a seven-day tourist visa.
[92][94] The Hong Kong Journalists Association, which has for years lived under the pressure of self-censorship, immediately warned of the "death knell of freedom of speech".
[98] In 2018, Children's books with LGBTQ themes have been moved to the "closed stacks" of Hong Kong's public libraries due to pressure from anti-gay-rights group.
[100] Books written by pro-democracy activists such as Joshua Wong and lawmaker Tanya Chan disappeared a few days after national security law had been imposed in 2020.
[103] Among its provisions, it was made illegal to incite hatred of the Chinese central government and Hong Kong government, and the Commissioner of Police has the authority to control the dissemination of online content where there is "reasonable grounds" that there is a threat to national security, including compelling service providers to cooperate in investigations (including providing access to IP addresses or mobile phone numbers of users, and decrypting information), order the removal of such content, or restrict access to the platform.
[107][108][109] The FT wrote that "China’s imposition of a national security law aimed at quashing political protests in the territory has also sent a chill through Hong Kong’s once vibrant publishing and media industry.
[114] In June 2021, the Hong Kong Film Censorship Authority introduced a policy to stay "vigilant to the portrayal, depiction or treatment of any act or activity which may amount to an offence endangering national security".
