Infighting among the conservatives resulted in administrations continuing to be interrupted by successful military coups, and another centralist constitution known as the Bases Orgánicas (lit.

Federalism prevailed, through the Constitution of 1824, but the newly established First Mexican Republic proved to be unstable, and presidential administrations were regularly interrupted by military coups.

By 1833, the progressive Valentín Gómez Farías was president of the republic, sharing power with Antonio López de Santa Anna, who at this point supported the liberals.

Revolts against the government would continue to flare up and eventually Santa Anna switched sides and supported a successful coup against Farías in April 1834.

Santa Anna at this point retired to his estate of Manga de Clavo to rule from the background, as he had during the Gomez Farias administration and he was replaced by Miguel Barragán.

Among the delegates voting for independence was the Mexican liberal statesman Lorenzo de Zavala,[8] who had fled to Texas in the aftermath of the fall of the First Republic.

On 29 July 1836, the Mexican government issued a manifesto disavowing Santa Anna's recognition of Texan independence and urging a continuation of the war.

The Fortress of San Juan de Ulúa could not withstand the French artillery and surrendered the following day, and the Mexican government responded by declaring war.

Santa Anna, who had been disgraced after recognizing Texan independence, emerged from his private life at Manga de Clavo to lead troops against the French, being given a command by the Mexican government.

[12] The United Kingdom, which also had interests in Mexico, had been feeling the effects of the French blockade, and had anchored thirteen vessels in Veracruz as a show of force.

[13] In October 1838, another rebellion against the government broke out in the north of the country at Tampico, and soon placed itself under the command of General José de Urrea who intended to restore the federalist system.

The revolt rapidly spread, and the rebels now succeeded in overthrowing the governors of Nuevo León and Coahuila and in March 1839 government reinforcements under General Martín Perfecto de Cos were routed.

Years of frustration with excise taxes, levies, conscription, and increase of custom duties culminated in the standard of revolt being raised at Tizimín on May 1839.

Campeche was captured on 6 June, and now the entire peninsula was in the hands of the rebels, who proceeded to elect a legislature and form an alliance with the Republic of Texas.

Negotiations broke down and the capital had to face twelve days of warfare, which resulted in property damage, civilian loss of life, and a large exodus of refugees out of the city.

Rather than face a protracted conflict that would destroy the capital, negotiations were started again and an agreement was reached whereby there would be a ceasefire, and the rebels would be granted amnesty.

[18] It was in the aftermath of the 1840 Revolt in the capital that José María Gutiérrez de Estrada published a pamphlet, directly addressed to President Bustamante advocating the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico headed by a European prince.

A military junta was formed which wrote the Bases of Tacubaya, a revolutionary plan which swept away the entire structure of government, except the judiciary, and also called for elections for a new constituent congress meant to write a new constitution.

The presidential cabinet was censured by congress for allowing Santa Anna to imprison the Departmental Assembly of Querétaro and replacing the department's governor.

President Canalizo responded by having congress dissolved, and explaining that its measures were necessary given the ongoing emergency of a potential American annexation of Texas.

[24] As relations worsened with the United States, President Herrera had conceded the possibility of recognizing Texan independence as long as there was no annexation, but this was perceived by his opponents as an alienation of Mexican territory.

[26] The United States had annexed Texas in December 1845 and troops led by Zachary Taylor had begun to patrol territory that Mexico still claimed.

One of the Siete Leyes's most notable innovations was the institution of a fourth branch of government, the so called Supremo Poder Conservador, the Supreme Moderating Power, upon the advice of Francisco Manuel Sánchez de Tagle, influenced by the ideas of Benjamin Constant.

The Bases Organicas did away with the Supremo Poder Conservador, but otherwise preserved the unitary system in which the franchise was restricted by income requirements.

[31] A military college was decreed in 1833 at the instigation of Pedro Garcia Conde, a leading Mexican geographer, and the establishment was finally opened in 1836 with courses in drawing, mathematics, physics, and tactics.

The Centralist Republic added botany, zoology, logic, grammar, history, English, and German courses to the College of Mines which was then the premier polytechnic institution in the nation.

[40] The Mexican dramatist Don Fernando Calderón y Beltrán [es] produced his most famous output during this period while he was living in Mexico City, subsequently gaining fame throughout the rest of Latin America.

[42] The career of Mexican dramatist Ignacio Rodríguez Galván is entirely confined to this period through his three plays La capilla (The Chapel), Muñoz, visitador de México (Muñoz, Inspector of Mexico), and El privado del Virrey (The Viceroy's Favorite), the first relating to the Alonso de Ávila [es] and the Favorite an adaptation of the work of Don Juan Manuel.

[43] A series of women's keepsakes, the Calendario de las señoritas mexicanas (Almanac for Mexican Young Ladies), offering a variety of reading selections, began publication in 1843 under the editorship of Rodríguez Galván.

[40] The historian Carlos Maria Bustamante, who also served in the government of the Centralist Republic, produced most of his output during this period and died during the Mexican-American War while working on a history of that conflict.