After Haughey's retirement, further revelations of political corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair further tarnished his reputation and legacy in the eyes of some.

[a][9] Haughey was educated by the Christian Brothers at St Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil.

[9] After selling his house in Raheny in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville and its estate of approximately 250 acres (100 ha), located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin.

This historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century and it became the Haughey family home, where he lived for the rest of his life.

On the wings of such tales, Haughey's reputation spread.Haughey's status by 1961 was such that James Dillon, the leader of the opposition, complimented him on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability.

Haughey knew this might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, and launched what was seen as a political stroke.

Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice, he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA.

Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms.

Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to government with a 20-seat majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearheaded by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived.

In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned.

Haughey was responsible for the introduction of the Health (Family Planning) Act 1979 which allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription.

This group, known as the "gang of five", consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds.

[25] During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with The Washington Post that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation.

On 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis set back his political career.

The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil.

The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues.

FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a budget which proposed the application of value-added tax to children's shoes, previously exempt.

He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as taoiseach for a second time.

[g] Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght Strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies.

One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.

In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding the provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers.

The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June.

[40] The presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson.

Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure.

Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses,[41] a large motor sailing yacht Celtic Mist, Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation.

[42] Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.

[45] Also in 1997, the public learned of allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.

[52] In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals.

... His motives can ultimately only be judged by God, but we cannot ignore the fact that he differs from his predecessors in that these motives have been widely impugned, most notably by those in his party who have observed him over many years.Several social measures were carried out during Haughey's various terms as Taoiseach, including a National Fuel Scheme, a Lone Parent's Allowance, a Carer's allowance, a Back to School Clothing Scheme,[60] and a Program for Economic and Social Progress (area-based partnerships in 12 pilot areas).

History will have to weigh up both the credit and the debit side more dispassionately than may be possible today, but I have no doubt its ultimate judgement on Mr Haughey will be a positive one.