Politics of Chile
The Constitution of Chile was approved in a national plebiscite in September 1980, during the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, and came into effect in March 1981.
[2] Statistical analysis suggests that Chilean politicians in Congress are not randomly drawn from the population but over-represent high-income communities.
When the era of the parliamentary republic began in 1891, the struggle between liberals (pipiolos) and conservatives (pelucones) had already evolved due to the emergence of a multi-party system.
European and particularly British companies having appropriated a large part of the country's economy (saltpeter, bank, railroad, trade), President José Balmaceda (1886–1891), leader of moderate liberals, decided to react by directing his policy in two directions: the nationalization of saltpeter mines and the intervention of the State in economic matters.
Despite the country's good economic performance, life remains particularly hard for a large part of the population (12 or 14-hour working days for workers, very low wages, illiteracy of more than 50% in the years 1900–1910, etc.).
Shortly before his withdrawal from power, he drew up a new Constitution that was considered to be the advent of true democracy in Chile.
This Constitution enshrines the separation of Church and State and religious freedom, declares compulsory primary education, restores presidentialism by electing the president by universal suffrage, and above all proclaims that property must be regulated in such a way as to ensure its social function.
[4] The bicameral National Congress (Congreso Nacional) consists of the Senate (Senado) and the Chamber of Deputies (Cámara de Diputados).
Congressional members have repeatedly tried to relocate the Congress back to Santiago, where it operated until the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, but have not been successful.
Pressure groups according to the CIA World Factbook: Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role in advocating for public policy change in Chile.
For example, one prominent NGO, Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes (SJM), conducts research in order to influence public policy.
[6] In December 2024, SJM and UNICEF hosted a joint seminar on the legal regularization of migrant children in Chile.
[9] Student groups, NGOs, and other advocacy organizations all face challenges to change-making within the Chilean political system.
[10] Student groups have faced similar obstacles, such as legal barriers, in the fight for public policy change in Chile.
These informal bilateral exchanges (see Figure 2 below) bypass the intended governance structure, undermine provincial and regional authorities, and create inefficiencies and inequity in forming and implementing policies and interventions.
Their election was a turning point in decentralization efforts, introducing a new dynamic in national-regional relations and providing regions with a stronger voice in governance.
However, Navarrete Yáñez[30] argues that introducing this system, typical of federal structures, tends to fragment authority and create overlapping jurisdictions to promote coordination relations, which in practice is generating conflict.
The current President of Chile, Gabriel Boric (2022–2026), stated that before his term ends, the presidential delegate position will disappear.
[33][34] Particularly given the substantial social upheaval in 2019 related to inequality,[35] and majority support for a constitutional re-write, these rejections are significant.
Chile’s centralized governance system contributes to limiting equitable resource distribution and effective local solutions.
