[9][10] In 2019, the anti-violence organization Rio de Paz stated that only 8% of homicides in Brazil lead to criminal convictions.

A trending crime known as arrastões ('dragnets') occur when many perpetrators act together, simultaneously mug pedestrians, sunbathers, shopping mall patrons, and/or vehicle occupants stuck in traffic.

Arrastões and random robberies may occur during big events, football games, or during peak beach hours.

[17] Express kidnappings, where people are abducted while withdrawing funds from ATMs, are common in major cities including Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Brasília, Curitiba, Porto Alegre, Salvador, and Recife.

Brazil scored 38 on the 2016 Corruption Perceptions Index, tying with India and Bosnia and Herzegovina, being ranked 76th among 175 countries.

[24] Brazil: Brazilian Armed Forces Ministry of Justice Primeiro Comando da CapitalGuardiões do EstadoTerceiro Comando PuroAmigos dos Amigos Comando VermelhoPrimeiro Grupo CatarinenseParaguayan crime groupsComando da PazBala na CaraSindicato do Crime do Rio Grande do Norte, OkaidoComando Revolucionário Brasileiro da Criminalidade Família do Norte A program to combat gangs and gang-centered violence known as the Pacifying Police Unit (PPU) was introduced in the traditionally violent favelas of Rio de Janeiro in 2008 and 2009.

[31] The PPU program symbolizes a new crime prevention paradigm that focuses on social inclusion and community development.

The homicide rate caused by opposition to police intervention was the indicator of violence that showed the most significant reduction, of almost 90%, but also decreased other crimes against life and property.

In the latest survey by the Cândido Mendes University Center for Security and Citizenship Studies (Cesec), carried out in 2014 with PPU officers, researchers had already found a complete abandonment of the "proximity" approach and the return to repressive policing.

The proposal, however, proved to be flawed due to the inexperience of these new military police officers with no apparent condition to work in former faction strongholds, as was the case in Rocinha and Complexo do Alemão.

[32] Former ISP Director Ana Paula Miranda also believes that "during all this time, an idea was made that the problems in Rio de Janeiro were over", "That was the first mistake.

[34] Since the first PPU arrived, in the Santa Marta community, in Botafogo, in 2008, the reality of the residents has changed not only in relation to the actions of armed groups.

[34][35] In the past, the State of Rio de Janeiro had already carried out a similar attempt at occupation, and for the same reasons, in Ana Paula's opinion, the project did not succeed and, it seems, the lesson was not learned.

[34] In April 2017, at Complexo do Alemão, a 19.6-foot-high (6.0 m) armored tower was installed, resistant to rifles and grenade explosions, to house PPU police from the Nova Brasília community.

Called Cidade Integrada (Integrated City), the new program for the occupation of communities by the Government of Rio de Janeiro, in a model of public security and urban and social interventions.

[36][37] Jacarezinho, where there is strong influence from drug trafficking, and Muzema, controlled by the militia, are expected to be the first to receive the program, with its launch scheduled for late November or early December.

It was the worst outbreak of violence recorded in Brazilian history and was directed against security forces and some civilian targets.

By 14 May, the attacks had spread to other Brazilian states including Paraná, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais and Bahia.

The nature of these riots was a turf war between the Primeiro Comando da Capital and other gangs, with the PCC aggressively expanding its territory.

[42] In regard to inter-gang conflict, gangs typically challenge or demand an aggressive reaction to defend their reputations.

These gangs are attractive to the children and youth because they offer protection, recognition, and career options that those who join could not achieve on their own.

[43] The youth held low positions in the hierarchy and engaged in relatively low volumes of activity for short periods of time; however, 51% of the youth involved in trafficking reported it to be very easy to obtain a gun,[43] while 58% involved in trafficking reported it to be very easy to obtain cocaine.

Criminal penalties for youths, responsible for a significant portion of street crime, usually involve internment in educational centers, with a maximum stay of three years.

This ambiguity gives judges a high degree of discretion in sentencing, and leads to accusations of discriminatory or unequal court rulings.

[47] Critics of the consumer/supplier distinction between offenses argue for a more complex categorization than only two categories, to allow for more lenient punishments for minor drugs violations.