Dalit

Several scholars have drawn parallels between Dalits and the Burakumin of Japan,[3] the Baekjeong of Korea[4] and the peasant class of the medieval European feudal system.

[12] Anand Teltumbde also detects a trend towards denial of the politicised identity, for example among educated middle-class people who have converted to Buddhism and argue that, as Buddhists, they cannot be Dalits.

[16] James Lochtefeld, a professor of religion and Asian studies, said in 2002 that the "adoption and popularization of [the term Dalit] reflects their growing awareness of the situation, and their greater assertiveness in demanding their legal and constitutional rights".

[24] The term Harijan, or 'children of God', was coined by Narsinh Mehta, a Gujarati poet-saint of the Bhakti tradition, to refer to all devotees of Krishna irrespective of caste, class, or sex.

[36] Soon after its independence in 1947, India introduced a reservation system to enhance the ability of Dalits to have political representation and to obtain government jobs and education.

[42] Uttar Pradesh (21%), West Bengal (11%), Bihar (8%) and Tamil Nadu (7%) between them accounted for almost half the country's total Scheduled Caste population.

In rural India, however, caste origins are more readily apparent and Dalits often remain excluded from local religious life, though some qualitative evidence suggests that exclusion is diminishing.

[58][59][60] According to a 2007 report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), the treatment of Dalits has been like a "hidden apartheid" and that they "endure segregation in housing, schools, and access to public services".

In rural India, stated Klaus Klostermaier in 2010, "they still live in secluded quarters, do the dirtiest work, and are not allowed to use the village well and other common facilities".

[67] In metropolitan areas around New Delhi and Bangalore, Dalits and Muslims face discrimination from upper caste landlords when seeking places to rent.

They were also forced to drink oil mixed with red lead causing them to die, and then they were buried in the foundations of buildings, thus wiping out generations of Dalits.

[74][75][76][77][78][79] In some cases, such as in Gujarat, state governments have argued that, far from being discriminatory, their rejection when applying for jobs in education has been because there are no suitably qualified candidates from those classifications.

[80] According to a 2014 report to the Ministry of Minority Affairs, 33.8 percent of Scheduled Caste (SC) populations in rural India were living below the poverty line in 2011–12.

[87] Forced by the circumstances of their birth and poverty, Dalits in India continue to work as sanitation workers: manual scavengers, cleaners of drains and sewers, garbage collectors, and sweepers of roads.

[96] In August 2015, due to continued alleged discrimination from upper castes of the village, about 100 Dalit inhabitants converted to Islam in a ceremony at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi.

[100] Amnesty International documented a high number of sexual assaults against Dalit women, which were often committed by landlords, upper-caste villagers, and policemen, according to a study published in 2001.

[106] In some villages of India, there have been allegations that Dalit grooms riding horses for wedding ceremonies have been beaten up and ostracised by upper caste people.

The Act called on states with high levels of caste violence (said to be "atrocity-prone") to appoint qualified officers to monitor and maintain law and order.

[118][119] One of those remedies, in an attempt to address the slow process of cases, was to make it mandatory for states to set up the exclusive Special Courts that the POA had delineated.

Whilst Ambedkar wanted to see it destroyed, Gandhi thought that it could be modified by reinterpreting Hindu texts so that the untouchables were absorbed into the Shudra varna.

[159] In 2010 a Mahar engineer called Vishal Damodar was initiated as a Jain monk by Acharya Navaratna Sagar Suriji at Samet Shikhar.

[166] In many cases they were still referred to by their Hindu caste names: For example Pulayans in Kerala, Pariah in Tamil Nadu, and Madigas in Andhra Pradesh, by members of all religious backgrounds.

[174][175] Dalit-led political parties include: Anti-Dalit prejudices exist in groups such as the extremist militia Ranvir Sena, largely run by upper-caste landlords in Bihar.

[186] The rise of Hindutva's (Hindu nationalism) role in Indian politics has accompanied allegations that religious conversions of Dalits are due to allurements like education and jobs rather than faith.

[223] In 2018 the UK government decided not to include caste as a "protected characteristic" within the terms of the Act, and to rely instead on case law to identify tests for caste-based discrimination.

Gurdwaras may insist on the presence of Singh and Kaur in the names of the bridegroom and bride, or deny them access to gurdwara-based religious services and community centres.

In Maharashtra, Baburao Bagul's collection of stories, "Jevha Mi Jat Chorali" (When I had Concealed My Caste), published in 1963, marked a significant turning point, portraying the harsh realities of Dalit lives and garnering critical acclaim.

In Telugu literature, Dalit voices gained prominence through the activism of leaders like Kathi Padma Rao and Bojja Tarakam, addressing issues of caste discrimination and social injustice.

[258][259][260] Odia Dalit literature has a rich history dating back to the fifteenth century, with significant contributions from Sudramuni Sarala Dasa and Bhima Bhoi.

Additionally, Dalit literature encompasses various forms such as poetry, autobiographies, and oral history narratives, with notable works including "Karukku" by Bama and "The Weave of My Life" by Urmila Pawar.