[9] Peukert was a leading expert in Alltagsgeschichte ("history of everyday life") and his work often examined the effect of Nazi social policies on ordinary Germans and on persecuted groups such as Jews and Roma.
[19] For Peukert, to examine resistance and opposition in Alltagsgeschichte with no reference to the broader society led the historian no-where, and to resolve this problem he wrote his 1982 book Volksgenossen und Gemeinschaftsfremde (National Comrades and Community Aliens), which was translated into English as Inside Nazi Germany in 1987.
[8] The book's title was taken from the two legal categories which the entire population of Germany was divided into during the Nazi era; the Volksgenossen (National Comrades) who were the people who belonged to the Volksgemeinschaft and the gemeinschaftsfremde (Community Aliens) who did not.
[23] Peukert wrote: "The Third Reich cannot have failed to leave its mark on all members of society...Even resistance fighters who did not conform were weighted by the experience of persecution, by the sense of their own impotence, and of the petty compromises that were necessary for survival.
[22] Peukert wrote that "inner emigration" led to "...self-absorption and self-sufficiency, to the mixture of "apathy and pleasure-seeking" described by one wartime diarist...Paradoxically, then, even the population's counter-reaction to the National Socialist pressure of mobilization served to stabilize the system".
[24] Peukert wrote about: "a fatal continuum of discrimination, selection, and rejection/elimination, whose monstrous consequences perhaps remained hidden from most contemporaries in their totality but whose inhumane daily racism was not only constantly and everywhere present but until today has not been critically worked through".
[24] In his research into opinion during the war years, Peukert noted that thousands of Polish and Frenchmen were brought to work in Germany as slave laborers to replace German men who been called up into the Wehrmacht.
[26] Baldwin called this statement "a wholly fanciful suggestion" that the Nazi leaders were planning to exterminate the young people of Germany, going on to comment that the reader should "note also the order of priority among the actual victims".
[17] Peukert argued even through the Social Democratic and Communist miners failed utterly in their attempts to overthrow the Nazi dictatorship, their willingness to take a stand, no matter how hopeless, and to suffer for their beliefs in the concentration camps meant that they should not be dismissed by historians as "losers".
In his 1982 book Volksgenossen und Gemeinschaftsfremde (National Comrades and Community Aliens), Peukert argued that the Nazi regime's:"racism offered a model for a new order in society...It rested on the racially legitimated removal of all elements that deviated from the norm, refractory youth, idlers, the asocial, prostitutes, homosexuals, people who were incompetent or failures at work, the disabled.
[17] Peukert was also politically engaged, and his last essay written shortly before his death, Rechtsradikalismus in historischer Perspektive (Right-wing Radicalism in the Historical Perspective) warned against the rise of the party The Republicans led by the former SS-Unterscharführer Franz Schönhuber, which had some popular support in Germany with its call for a ban on Turkish "guest workers".
[33] Peukert wrote by 1930 German society had with the notable exceptions of the working class and the Catholic milieus had turned into a mass of competing social interests engaged in a Darwinian verteilungskampf (distribution struggle).
[33] Given the verteilungskampf, Peukert argued that this explain why the "presidential governments"-which from March 1930 onward by-passed the Reichstag and that answered only to President Paul von Hindenburg-governing Germany in a highly authoritarian manner were so approved of by German elites.
The point, rather, is that we should not analyse away the tensions between progressive and aberrant features by making a glib opposition between modernity and tradition: we should call attention to the rifts and danger-zones which result from the civilizing process itself, so that the opportunities for human emancipation which it simultaneously creates can be more thoroughly charted.
[33] Peukert wrote: "Eclectic as regards to ideas, but up to date in its attitude to technology, National Socialism laid claims to offer a "conclusive" new answer to the challenges and discomforts of the modern age".
[22] Peukert argued that for the National Socialists "it was more important to travel hopefully than to arrive", as for the Nazis had no solutions to the problems of classical modernity other than a creating a sense of movement towards the vague goal of the utopian society that was to be the volksgemeinschaft.
[21] As part of this trend, there was a tendency as the Third Reich went along for the Nazis to seek to erase all nonconformity, deviance and differences from German society with anyone who was not a perfect Volksgenossen ("National Comrade") considered to be in someway an "enemy".
[34] Peukert concluded that the National Socialists failed to create the idealized volksgemeinschaft, but they unwittingly laid the foundations for the stability of the Adenauer era in 1950s West Germany by promoting a mass consumerist society combined with extreme violence against their "enemies", which made politically engagement dangerous.
[34] Peukert argued that what many considered to be the most notable aspect of the Adenauer era, namely an atomized, materialistic society made up of people devoted to consumerism and generally indifferent to politics was the Nazi legacy in West Germany.
Peukert began his essay with an attack on the conservative side in the Historikerstreit, stating that the obsession of Ernst Nolte with proving that Hitler had been somehow forced into committing genocide by the fear of the Soviet Union was an apologistic argument meant to diminish the horror of Auschwitz.
[41] In this regard, Peukert noted the genocide against the Jews grew out of the Action T4 program which starting in January 1939 sought to liquidate all physically and mentally disabled Germans as a threat to the health of the volkskörper.
Peukert argued in his essay that the late 19th and early 20th centuries had seen tremendous scientific and technological change together with, in Germany, the growth of the welfare state, which had created widespread hopes both within the government and in society that “utopia” was at hand and soon all social problems would be solved.
[47] Peukert stated "the conquest of the world by a secularized, scientific rationality was so overwhelming, that the switch from religion to science as the main source of a meaning-creating mythology for everyday life took place almost without resistance.
[49] Peukert used as an example the fact that social workers had before the First World War had believed it was possible to ensure that every child in Germany was brought up in a happy home and by 1922 were instead declaring that certain young people were "biologically" prone to being "unfit", requiring a law on detention that was to remove them from society forever.
[49] Peukert maintained that after 1929, when the Great Depression began, the economic limits of the welfare state to end poverty were cruelly exposed, which led German social scientists and doctors to argue that the "solution" was now to protect the "valuable" in society from the "incurable".
[35] Peukert argued that for volksgenossinnen (female "national comrades"), any hint of non-conformity and the "pleasures of refusal" in not playing their designated role within the volksgemeinschaft as the bearers of the next generation of soldiers could expect harsh punishments such as sterilization, incarceration in a concentration camp or for extreme case vernichtung ("extermination").
[53] Only the fact that Germany was fully engaged in World War II prevented Hitler from signing "Law for the Treatment of Community Aliens", which was put off until the Reich won the "final victory".
[54] Peukert wrote that the fascination with pseudo-scientific racial theories and eugenics were common to all of the West, but it was the specific conditions in Germany which allowed the National Socialists to come to power 1933 that led to the "Final Solution to the Jewish Question".
[57] He wrote that after the war that scientists who had provided the intellectual justification for the "Final Solution" were not prosecuted and a massive effort to block the memory of their actions started which largely prevented any discussion of the subject in the 1950s-1960s.
[62] In 2017, the British historian Jane Caplan approvingly quoted Peukert's remarks about how best to confront fascism as still relevant today, citing his statement from Inside Nazi Germany: "The values we should assert [in response to fascism] are easily stated but hard to practise: reverence for life, pleasure in diversity and contrariety, respect for what is alien, tolerance for what is unpalatable, scepticism about the feasibility and desirability of chiliastic schemes for a global new order, openness towards others and a willingness to learn even from those who call into question one's own principles of social virtue.