[6] On 19 October, Rio Grande do Sul governor José Flores da Cunha lost control of the state's Military Brigade, which Vargas had subordinated to the Brazilian Army.

Given our customs and the low level of our political culture, addicted to oligarchic and personalist practices, this single party will soon begin to subdivide into factions and needlessly agitate and disrupt the life of the country.

"[17] The preamble to the 1937 Constitution stated that the Estado Novo was installed to meet "the legitimate aspirations of the Brazilian people for political and social peace, deeply disturbed by notorious factors of disorder... tending, by their natural development, to resolve themselves in terms of violence, placing the nation under the ominous imminence of civil war due to communist infiltration..."[4] The Estado Novo rigorously repressed communism, backed by the National Security Law, which prevented revolutionary movements such as the Communist uprising of 1935.

Several autobiographies reported imprisonment and torture, without claiming Vargas' direct involvement,examples being Pagu, Carlos Marighella, and Joaquim Câmara Ferreira, who lost his fingernails in prison.

"[2][23] "The Vargas regime's relentless persecution of its opponents (real and imagined), whose methods heavily involved the use of torture, violence, deportation and murder," said UOL, was just one of the facets, perhaps the best known, of this period.

Lawyer Marina Pasquini Toffolli has called the Estado Nova "a dictatorship that spread terror and built barbarism throughout its territory, suppressing all individual guarantees" and noted the dismissal of the federal, state and municipal parliaments, censorship of the press and repression.

[25] The first civilian to examine the secret police archives in Rio de Janeiro, American researcher R.S.Rose, collected material in his book One of the Forgotten Things: Getúlio Vargas and Brazilian social control – 1930–1954, published in 2001 by Companhia das Letras.

Rose saw the Estado Novo as an unpopular regime that needed to "coerce the people" to survive: "During Vargas' rule, the quality and quantity of human rights abuses reached unprecedented levels.

"[27] Journalist David Nasser lists some of the more common forms of torture in his Falta Alguém em Nuremberg: Torturas da Polícia de Felinto Strubling Müller.

[33] After extensive negotiation, Brazil and the United States signed an agreement in which the US committed to finance the construction of a large Brazilian steel plant (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional) in Volta Redonda, Rio de Janeiro, in exchange for permission to set up military bases and airports in the north and northeast of the country.

[34] On 28 January 1943, Vargas and US President Franklin D. Roosevelt agreed at the Natal Conference, to create the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB) in August, a year after the declaration of war.

[35] Among the FEB soldiers were eight law students from the University of São Paulo, who took part in peaceful demonstrations against Vargas such as the Silent March in which they paraded with black gags to symbolize the lack of freedom of expression.

A large part of those who applaud this attitude (breaking diplomatic relations with Germany), a few who even slander me, are opponents of the regime I founded (the Estado Novo), and I even doubt that I will be able to consolidate it in order to pass the government on to my replacement.

[40] A valuable contribution to Eurico Dutra's electoral victory came from Hugo Borghi, who distributed thousands of pamphlets accusing candidate Eduardo Gomes of saying: "I don't need the votes of the marmiteiros".

In fact, what Eduardo said, at the Municipal Theater in Rio de Janeiro on 19 November, was: "I don't need the votes of these unemployed people who support the dictator to elect me president of the Republic".

The semi-colonial, agrarian country, importer of manufactures and exporter of raw materials, will be able to shoulder the responsibilities of an autonomous industrial life, providing for its urgent defense and equipment needs.

Decree-Law of 14 September 25, 1937, created the Technical Council of Economy and Finance (CTEF) which, according to the newspaper Valor Econômico, was the "result of an exercise to supervise the country's financial conditions, carried out since the beginning of Getúlio Vargas' government".

At the beginning of 1945, 1,234 kilometers of the great Transnordestina highway, which connects Fortaleza to Salvador and crosses the richest economic regions of Ceará, Pernambuco and the north of Bahia, were handed over to traffic.

[56]These roads greatly increased the migration of northeasterners to the center-south of Brazil, most of them coming in trucks nicknamed "paus-de-arara"; before their existence, journeys to the north were mainly made on ships called "itas".

About the reservoirs Vargas built in the Northeast of Brazil, at a rally in Fortaleza on 12 January 1947, he said: "For almost half a century (from 1877 to 1930) only 650 million cubic meters of water were dammed to fight the drought.

"[15] The occupation of the Amazon by Brazilians from other regions, especially the Northeast, was stimulated by the extraction of rubber for export to the United States, which had lost its supply from Southeast Asia as a result of World War II.

[59] The political system was named Estado Novo after António de Oliveira Salazar's regime in Portugal, and lasted until 29 October 1945, when Getúlio Vargas was deposed by the military.

[60] Vargas dissolved the National Congress and abolished political parties, and implemented a new constitution giving him total control of the executive power and allowing him to appoint intervenors in the states, to whom Getúlio gave wide autonomy.

[10] On the 10th anniversary of the 1930 revolution, in a speech on 11 November 1940, he commented:A hasty constitutionalization, out of time, presented as a solution to all ills, resulted in a political organization tailored to personal influences and factional partisanship, divorced from existing realities.

Communist leader Luís Carlos Prestes remained imprisoned throughout the Estado Novo; due to his relationship with the Comintern, he defended the continuation of Getúlio Vargas' government during his speech at the São Januário Stadium in Rio de Janeiro in 1945, based on the progress achieved during his administration.

The writer Monteiro Lobato was arrested for sending a letter to Getúlio criticizing his policy on Brazilian oil: he wanted the government to exploit this natural resource for the country's development.

Mining entrepreneur Jorge Abdalla Chamma, in his book Por um Brasil Melhor, details the Estado Novo's efforts to set up a steel plant in Corumbá.

[83] In his electoral campaign when he later ran for president of the republic, Getúlio made a speech 10 September 1950 in Uberaba attributing the development of the Triângulo Mineiro and Central Brazil to zebu cattle breeders:[56] Fighting against opinions that opposed the introduction of zebu cattle in Brazil, the farmers of the Triângulo Mineiro, supported exclusively by their own work and their own resources, endured all the hardships of the tremendous struggle that was waged, and which, in the end, gave them an undisputed victory.

Through US President Franklin Roosevelt Brazil obtained a loan from the Export and Import Bank, which it used for public works and purchases for Lloyd Brasileiro and the Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil.

[88] The Estado Novo sheltered many Jews persecuted by fascist regimes in Europe; João Guimarães Rosa, Brazil's consul in Germany, was posthumously honored by the Israeli government in the 1980s.