[8] Sources provide varying details of his exact academic path, though most agree that he studied law and philosophy, initially at the Jesuit University of Deusto in Bilbao, later moving to the prestigious Universidad de Salamanca, where he completed both curricula.

By 1902, he was already firmly established in the local Biscay structures of mainstream Carlism, and alongside national figures like Juan Vázquez de Mella, he toured the province, organizing meetings and delivering speeches.

[15] In 1904, he ran as a Carlist candidate[16] in the elections for the Bilbao City Council and was successful;[17] some sources suggest that he was later appointed as teniente de alcalde (deputy mayor).

[20] In his pursuit of Catholic militancy against the increasing secularization promoted by Madrid governments, Bilbao played a pivotal role in the Biscay branch of Juventud Católica.

[28] In the subsequent 1914 campaign, Bilbao ran in his native Biscay, in Durango, but lost again, this time to the conservative candidate José de Amézola y Aspizua.

"[35] After unsuccessful electoral campaigns in Álava, Navarre, and Biscay, Bilbao competed in 1916 in the Carlist national stronghold, the Gipuzkoan district of Tolosa.

[37] Known for his active defense of the Church, religion, and Traditionalism,[38] Bilbao distinguished himself as one of the most notable Carlist orators,[39] though some critics described his style as having a penchant for purple rhetoric.

[45] It is unclear why he abandoned his senatorial position in 1920 to run for the Cortes again, but this time, he returned to Navarre and was elected from another Carlist stronghold, the Estella district.

[47] Though most Carlists initially welcomed the Primo de Rivera coup, viewing it as a stepping stone toward a traditionalist, anti-democratic monarchy, their sympathy soon waned.

[53] It is unclear which of these actions was the final straw, but Don Jaime and his political representative in Spain, Marqués de Villores, remained firm and expelled Bilbao from the Carlist ranks.

Some authors claim that, although many Carlists believed the rise of the militantly secular Republic necessitated the unification of various Traditionalist branches, Bilbao was not enthusiastic about returning under Don Jaime's command.

[60] Other scholars argue that by April 1931, he had already edited the claimant's proclamation, which instructed the Carlists to help maintain order and stay vigilant against the threat of foreign-inspired tyranny.

[62] Following the unexpected death of Don Jaime, Bilbao resolved any doubts he might have had and, alongside Pradera, led the Mellistas into the united Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista.

[82] Detained by the Basque authorities on the Altunamendi ship,[83] he was exchanged in late September for the Bilbao mayor, Ernesto Ercoreca, thanks largely to the efforts of Marcel Junod.

[85] Bilbao joined the Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra and was appointed a member of its Sección Política,[86] settling near the Cuartel General del Generalísimo in Salamanca.

[87] Starting in late 1936, Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by its unclear governing structure and political indecision, especially when faced with pressure from Franco and his chief aide, Ramón Serrano Suñer.

As a member of the Carlist executive, Bilbao participated in some meetings in early 1937, which were called to discuss the looming threat of amalgamation into a future state party.

[107] In the following years, this number decreased steadily due to a series of amnesties,[108] and by the time he left the ministry, he admitted to 75,000 political prisoners.

[110] Although labor camps remained under military control, his ministry provided juridical assistance, resulting in about 90,000 people working under atrocious conditions in penal detachments.

The Consejo del Reino, a unique diarchic structure for an authoritarian monarchy proposed earlier by Primo de Rivera, was designed as a special deputy to the executive.

His political efforts were primarily focused on keeping the hardline Falangists at bay, occasionally combined with a rather timid advocacy of the monarchist idea.

In the summer of 1940, Ramón Serrano Suñer proposed the Ley de Organización del Estado, a draft aimed at giving Falange a central role in the totalitarian new structure.

[138] Shortly thereafter, the Begoña incident led to a showdown between the Carlists and the Falangists, with General Varela demanding that Falange be brought into line and the process of monarchy restoration begin.

Bilbao compared Arrese's draft of the Leyes Fundamentales to "Soviet totalitarianism" and led a coalition of monarchists, the Catholic hierarchy, and the military against the project.

[143] As a private retiree, he could afford more frankness, and as late as 1969, he publicly expressed a barely veiled lack of enthusiasm for the perceived Falangist domination in the Cortes, both during his presidency and afterward.

When, in late 1942, the Carlists abandoned any hopes of preserving their identity within the FET, Fal Conde declared that those previously expelled might be readmitted provided they sever any links with Falange.

[148] Instead, in 1943, together with other Traditionalists like Joaquín Bau, Iturmendi, and del Burgo, he re-launched[149] the candidacy of Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, styled as Carlos VIII.

The new generation of Carlist activists, particularly the young anti-Traditionalist entourage of Don Javier's son, Carlos Hugo, sought to use Bilbao in their bid for power.

[153] Despite despising him as a traitor,[154] in 1959 they invited him to join the Junta Directiva Central, a front-office organization supporting their semi-political initiatives, such as Círculos Culturales Vázquez de Mella and the periodical Azada y asta.

In 1963, as the Cortes speaker, he sent a greeting telegram to the Carlist annual gathering at Montejurra, which at the time served as a key event in the Huguista bid for power and as a promotional stage for Carlos Hugo himself.