Political groups of the European Parliament

The European Parliament is unique among supranational assemblies in that its members (MEPs) organise themselves into ideological groups, rather than national cleavages.

The numerical criteria are 23 MEPs (at 3.3 percent, a lower threshold than in most national parliaments) but they must come from at least one-quarter of Member States (so currently at least seven).

Further questions were asked when MEPs attempted to create a far-right Group called "Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty" (ITS).

This was opposed by many MEPs, notably from smaller Groups but also from the Liberal Group, arguing that it would be detrimental to democracy, whilst supporters argued that the change made it harder for a small number of members, possibly on the extremes (including the far right), to claim public funds.

The chairs of each Group meet in the Conference of Presidents to decide what issues will be dealt with at the plenary session of the European Parliament.

EUL/NGL and G/EFA were the most left-wing groups, UEN and EDD the most right-wing, and that was mirrored in their attitudes towards taxation, homosexual equality, abortion, euthanasia and controlling migration into the EU.

The groups fell into two distinct camps regarding the further development of EU authority, with UEN and EDD definitely against and the rest broadly in favour.

Table 1[19] of an April 2008 discussion paper[20] from the Centre for European Economic Research by Heinemann et al. analysed each Group's stance on a hypothetical generalised EU tax.

[citation needed] Academics analysing the European political groups include Simon Hix (London School of Economics and Political Science), Amie Kreppel University of Florida, Abdul Noury (Free University of Brussels), Gérard Roland, (University of California, Berkeley), Gail McElroy (Trinity College Dublin, Department of Political Science), Kenneth Benoit (Trinity College Dublin – Institute for International Integration Studies (IIIS)[21]), Friedrich Heinemann, Philipp Mohl, and Steffen Osterloh (University of Mannheim – Centre for European Economic Research).

[27][28] In 1987 the Single European Act came into force and, under the new cooperation procedure, the Parliament needed to obtain large majorities to make the most impact.

Surprisingly, given that PES and EPP-ED are partners in the Grand Coalition, they were not each other's closest allies, although they did vote with each other about two-thirds of the time.

There have been specific occasions where real left-right party politics have emerged, notably the resignation of the Santer Commission.

When the initial allegations against the Commission Budget emerged, they were directed primarily against the PES Édith Cresson and Manuel Marín.

PES leader Pauline Green MEP attempted a vote of confidence and the EPP put forward countermotions.

Voting is increasingly split along left-right lines, and the cohesion of the party groups has risen dramatically, particularly in the fourth and fifth parliaments.

Party group switching is a phenomenon that gained force especially in the legislatures during the 1990s, up to a maximum of 18% for the 1989–1994 term, with strong prevalence among representatives from France and Italy, though by no means limited to those two countries.

Most switching takes place at the outset of legislative terms, with another peak around the half-term moment, when responsibilities rotate within the EP hierarchy.

The groups have coalesced into representations of the dominant schools of European political thought and are the primary actors in the Parliament.

Table 3[47] of the 3 January 2008 version of a working paper[48] from the London School of Economics/Free University of Brussels by Hix and Noury considered the positions of the groups in the Sixth Parliament (2004–2009) by analysing their roll-call votes.

UKIP (the major component of the secessionist subgroup) was criticised for this seeming abandonment of its Eurosceptic core principles.

[49] Table 2[45][46] of a 2005 discussion paper[50] from the Institute for International Integration Studies by Gail McElroy and Kenneth Benoit analysed the group positions between April and June 2004, at the end of the Fifth Parliament and immediately before the 2004 elections.

In Western Europe, social-democratic parties have been the dominant centre-left force since the dawn of modern European cooperation.

[42][91] The European Democratic Alliance joined with MEPs from Forza Italia to become the "Union for Europe"[66][92] on 6 July 1995,[68] but it did not last and the Forza Italia MEPs left on 15 June 1998 to join the EPP,[68] leaving Union for Europe to struggle on until it split on 20 July 1999.

Rainbow collapsed in 1994[86] and its members joined the "European Radical Alliance" under the French Energie Radicale.

[101] The name was resurrected immediately after the elections when the "Confederal Group of the European United Left"[100] was formed on 19 July 1994.

[106] There was then a gap of thirteen years until "Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty"[109] was founded on 15 January 2007,[109] which lasted for nearly eleven months until it fell apart on 14 November 2007 due to in-fighting.

With significant changes in membership after the 2014 European elections, the group was re-formed as "Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy", led by Farage and David Borrelli (Five Star Movement, Italy).

A Group is assumed to have a set of core principles ("affinities" or "complexion") to which the full members are expected to adhere.

[132] TGI appeared on the list of Political Groups in the European Parliament for the last time on 4 October 2001.

Independent MEPs that are not in a Group are categorised as "Non-Inscrits" (the French term is universally used, even in English translations).