Fourth-wave feminism
[19] The movement in Spain traces its roots to the murder of Ana Orantes; on 17 December 1997,[18][11] she was burned to death by her husband in her house in Granada for speaking publicly on Canal Sur about how he abused her.
[20][27] Fourth-wave feminism began its peak in Spain, Argentina, Chile and Brazil in 2018 as a result of a number of different factors, with women mobilized on a large scale to take to the streets.
Similarly, women protested the perceived sexist questions (for example, focusing on appearance or love life) often directed at female celebrities by tweeting the hashtag #askhermore.
[35] Several other incidents have galvanized the movement, including the Delhi gang rape (India, 2012), Jimmy Savile allegations (UK, 2012), Bill Cosby sexual assault cases (US, 2014), Isla Vista killings (US, 2014), trial of Jian Ghomeshi (Canada, 2016), Harvey Weinstein allegations (US, 2017) and subsequent Me Too movement and Weinstein effect, the Westminster sexual scandals (worldwide and UK, 2017) and the La Manada gang rape case in Spain (2018).
Its focus shifted to social and personal rights, such as equal pay, choice over bodily issues, sexual liberation and resistance to the gendered double standard in society.
[48] Events and organizations involved in fourth-wave feminism include Everyday Sexism Project, UK Feminista, Reclaim the Night, One Billion Rising and "a Lose the Lads' mags protest".
[55] Fourth-wave feminists have argued that reinforced gender stereotypes create pressure for men to be breadwinners, as opposed to women, who feel obligated to take on the role of homemakers.
On the other side, while intersectionality gives voices to marginalized communities it also often puts the labor of explaining and educating others about the term on those living under oppression, especially black women.
[59] British professor of marketing and consumer research Pauline Maclaran[61] argues that although celebrities are at the forefront of fourth-wave feminism, ready access to information has enabled the movement to draw greater attention to economic inequalities faced by women than heretofore possible.
[62] Regarded as more inclusive of the LGBTQIA+ community,[62] fourth-wave feminists such as Jacob Bucher of Baker University[63] have protested stereotypes surrounding men's supposed uncontrolled sexual desire and objectification of women.
[64] Canadian art historian Ruth Phillips argues that fourth-wave feminism falls within the broader agenda of financial, political and environmental concerns and is recognized as a key factor in alleviating poverty, improving women's health and achieving economic growth.
[7] Moreover, the increasing social power of fourth-wave feminist movements prioritize these issues for elected governments, encouraging them to engage with the "new and young feminisms" of the modern day.
[72] The influence and power of the campaign made the government expand the legal definition of rape, introduced "harsher punishment for rapists, criminalizing stalking and voyeurism",[72] showed "a new kind of Indian femininity that was comfortable with her modernity and sexuality"[72] and demonstrates the rise of fourth-wave feminism in India.
[78] Ni una menos (meaning "Not One Less", using the feminine form of "one") is a Latin American feminist movement originating in Argentina which aims to end violence against women.
"[79][80] In Brazil, on September 19, 2018, the Ele Não movement (Portuguese for 'not him'), also known as the protests against Jair Bolsonaro, were demonstrations led by women which took place in several regions of the country as well as the world.
[14] Defining identity through biology instead of gender and replacing postmodern concepts of femininity with gender-essentialism, they frame queer feminism as a conspiracy to hide 'male' aggressors (trans women) and oppress females.
Studies showed that in comparison to women who had an abortion, those who were forced to carry an unintended pregnancy to term and give birth, had poorer physical health.
[99] Kira Cochrane has argued that fourth-wave feminism is "defined by technology" and characterized particularly by the use of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Tumblr and blogs such as Feministing to challenge misogyny.
[46][102][103] The speed of communication and concept of "going viral" has been a major factor in the success of contemporary feminist campaigns, fostering digital phenomenon such as "call-out culture".
In the world of cyberfeminism, call-out culture is used as a tool to accuse sexual predators in a manner that allows for optional anonymity and the larger possibility of wide-ranged support.
"[115] She cites examples from her own life where she has noticed this, including seeing her "father's role as a parent being valued less by society," and witnessing her male friends struggle to express their emotions.
"[121] "Why I'm done trying to be man enough" touches on recognizing privilege, amplifying women's voices, and the importance of creating male friendships in which men can speak about real struggles together.
[127] In 2017, Alec Baldwin, Michael Moore, Ian McKellen, Rufus Wainwright, and John Legend, along with a plethora of female public figures, attended women's marches across the country.
[129] Using an image of Nancy Mauro-Flude theatre work Error_in_Time()[130] to start her article, Ragna Rök Jóns argued that "[t]he key problem that this '4th Wave' will face will be the disproportionate access to and ownership of digital media devices."
[4] North American sociologist Amanda E. Vickery claims that fourth-wave feminism marginalizes women of color who are fighting for inclusivity, neglecting the specific injustices they face to make way for the mainstream struggle.
[134] The conservative critique of fourth-wave feminism is that when women believe that the world is set against them through social systems such as patriarchy, they will abandon all efforts instead of competing with men as equals.
Author Joanna Williams writes in The American Conservative that fourth-wave feminism encourages women to "call upon external helpmates, like the state and ugly identity politics that push good men away".
Williams also associates the movement with the "regressive left", claiming fourth-wave feminists are authoritarian and illiberal by dictating acceptable ideologies and policing the speech of men and women.
[140] British scholar Ealasaid Munro says that the call-out culture of fourth-wave feminism risks marginalizing and separating people over minor disagreements when they could serve better as allies.
Social media also can be seen as ineffective as it brings down "bogeyman" individuals rather than, "invent[ing] a different language or logic that can excise or alter the structures of oppression" as Sarah K. Burgess describes.
