Separatist movements of India
However, at the same time, demanding separate statehood within under the administration of Indian union from an existing state can lead to criminal charges under secession law in India.
Currently, it is led by the Communist Party of India (Maoists) and are active in some areas of the states of Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.
[10][11] Although the failure of Indian governance and democracy lay at the root of the initial disaffection, Pakistan played an important role in converting the latter into a fully developed insurgency.
According to an ex-Naxalite who was interviewed by the Economic TimesThe MCC (Maoist Communist Centre) received funds in the form of levy, donations or grains and part of it was spent on the “welfare" of people.
[47] The South Asian Human Rights Documentation Centre argues that the governments' call for increased force is part of the insurgency problem.This reasoning exemplifies the vicious cycle which has been instituted in the North East due to the AFSPA.
It started with an armed uprising initiated in 1967 by a radical faction of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal.
[54] On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal, and their readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless.
By the early 1980s insurgents had established a stronghold and sanctuary in the interlinked North Telangana village and Dandakaranya forests areas along the Andhra Pradesh and Orissa border.
In 2003 following an attack on the then Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu,[65] the state embarked on a rapid modernization of its police force while ramping up its technical and operational capabilities.
It has carried out several attacks (see Timeline of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency) notably on 15 February 2010, several of the guerrilla commanders of CPI (Maoist) killed 24 personnel of the Eastern Frontier Rifles.
[69] On 25 May 2013, the CPI (Maoist) ambushed a convoy of the Indian National Congress at Bastar, and killed 27 people including Mahendra Karma, Nand Kumar Patel and Vidya Charan Shukla.
They believe that the Indian state is being "run by a collaboration of imperialists, the comprador bourgeoisie and feudal lords and wish to overthrow it through extreme violence as a means to secure organisational goals[74] The Naxals have support mainly in the tribal (Adivasi) community.
[30] The Naxalites receive support from Dalits and Adivasis who among these groups persists low degree of employment and qualification, weak access to health care, education and power, political marginalization and suppression of protests.
[91] A special United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) was set up to negotiate the withdrawal arrangements as per the Security Council resolution.
[95] Following the latter war, the countries reached the Simla Agreement, agreeing on a Line of Control between their respective regions and committing to a peaceful resolution of the dispute through bilateral negotiations.
In 1986, the Anantnag riots broke out after the CM Gul Shah announced the construction of a mosque at the site of an ancient Hindu Temple in Jammu and made an incendiary speech.
A Muslim United Front candidate, Mohammad Yousuf Shah, a victim of the rigging and state's mistreatment, took the name Syed Salahuddin and would become chief of the militant outfit Hizb-ul-Mujahideen.
His aides the so-called 'HAJY group' – Abdul Hamid Shaikh, Ashfaq Majid Wani, Javed Ahmed Mir and Mohammed Yasin Malik joined the JKLF, this led to gain in the momentum of the popular insurgency in the Kashmir Valley.
This was followed by cutting off of communication lines in the valley for 5 months,[105] thousands of additional security forces being deployed to curb any uprising and the arrest and detaining of several leading Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah,[106] MLAs Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami and Engineer Rashid.
[113][114] With financial and political support of the Sikh diaspora, the movement flourished in the Indian state of Punjab – which has a Sikh-majority population – continuing through the 1970s and 1980s, and reaching its zenith in the late 1980s.
[117] In the 1990s, the insurgency petered out,[118] and the movement failed to reach its objective due to multiple reasons including a heavy police crackdown on separatists, factional infighting, and disillusionment from the Sikh population.
In 1961, the Government of Assam passed legislation making use of Assamese language compulsory which had to be withdrawn later under pressure from Bengali speaking people of the Barak Valley.
The KLO was formed to address problems of the Koch Rajbongshi people such as large-scale unemployment, land alienation, perceived neglect of Kamtapuri language, identity, and grievances of economic deprivation.
However Commander-in-Chief Jewel Gorlosa, refused to surrender and launched the Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) an extremist group that functioned in Assam and Nagaland and sought to create a Dimaland or Dimaraji for the Dimasa people.
On the afternoon of 4 March 1966, the IAF jet fighters strafed the MNF targets in Aizawl using machine guns, allegedly causing few civilian casualties.
The controversial merger agreement through the coercion of the then princely ruler led to disaffection among some sections of the populace, eventually leading to the formation of a number of insurgent organizations.
Clashes between the Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) and Khaplang (NSCN-K) factions further aggravated tensions, as Kuki tribals began creating their own guerrilla groups in order to protect their interests from NSCN attacks.
The United National Liberation Front (UNLF) was founded on 24 November 1964 by Arambam Samarendra Singh to establish a sovereign and socialist Manipur[152] It is one of the oldest insurgent groups in the Northeast.
[166] Insurgency in Arunachal Pradesh had existed due to its close proximity to the Chinese[167] and Burmese border and its diverse ethnic, tribal and religious population.
Although currently there are no active local insurgent groups in the state, there are ethnic insecurities among people primarily due to a fear of loss of political dominance and socio-economic benefits.
