[1] Tsouderos, a former governor of the Central Bank of Greece, was not a professional politician, being appointed only because he had been exiled under the Metaxas regime, which therefore allowed the king to claim to Palairet that he was broadening the cabinet.

[3] On 25 April 1941, with the onset of the Battle of Greece, King George II and his government left the Greek mainland for Crete, which was attacked by Nazi forces on 20 May 1941.

[4] The government had wanted to relocate to Cyprus, but following objections from the British Colonial Office, who complained that the majority of the Greek Cypriots would give their loyalty to the government-in-exile, Egypt was offered up as an alternative venue.

[5] In Egypt, there were considerable communities of ethnic Greeks living in Cairo and Alexandria, who tended to be Venizelist in their political sympathies and objected to the Metaxist ministers in the cabinet who however had the support of the king.

[6] The Greek communities in Egypt tended to very successful in businesses, playing an over-sized role in the Egyptian economy, and the government-in-exile was very much dependent on their financial support.

[6] One of the Venizelist leaders, Vyron Karapanagiotis, in a letter to Sofoklis Venizelos, complained that Maniadakis was "travelling with the luxurious entourage of an Indian potentate in South America".

[9] In May 1942, Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, the leader of the Ethnikon Enotikon Komma (Unity Party), escaped from Greece and upon his arrival was appointed war minister.

[10] British officials assumed a dismissive attitude towards the Greek government-in-exile, with one Foreign Office civil servant writing that Greece was "an Egypt without a Cromer".

[11] Edward Warner of the Southern Department of the Foreign Office in a letter to Leeper wrote that "most of the upper class Greeks" were "self-seeking Levantines...quite unworthy of the rank and file".

[12] In 1952 in his memoir of his war experiences Closing the Ring, Winston Churchill wrote that the Greeks were like the Jews in being the "most politically-minded race in the world who no matter how forlorn their circumstances or how grave the peril to their country are always divided into many parties, with many leaders who fight among themselves with desperate vigor".

[13] A Foreign Official memorandum described keeping the Greek merchant marine in being engaged in bringing food to Britain as the most important issue in Anglo-Greek relations, and advised that when King George II visited London that he being treated as a major leader of the Allies.

[3] Throughout the war, Tsouderos and the rest of the government-in-exile strongly pressed Britain for an enosis (union) with Cyprus, arguing that the majority of the Cypriots were ethnic Greeks and wanted to join Greece.

[15] Besides Cyprus, Tsouderos also wanted the Dodecanese islands off the coast of Turkey, whose people were mostly ethnically Greek, which belonged to Italy together with southern Albania and Yugoslav Macedonia.

In regard to the Dodecanese, Southern Albania and Cyprus, they must make it plain that in their view it is premature to raise at this stage questions of future territorial adjustments after the war".

[15] When Eden announced in the House of Commons in December 1942 that the British government favored restoring Albanian independence within its pre-war frontiers, Tsouderos objected in a diplomatic note, claiming that southern Albania or "Northern Epirus" as he called it was rightfully part of Greece.

[17] After the SOE launched Operation Animals in June–July 1943 with the Greek resistance ordered to go all out in launching sabotage attacks with the aim of deluding the Germans into thinking that the Allies were going to land in Greece instead of Sicily, Tsouderos submitted a note to Leeper that saying: ""Today all your expenses for the secret warfare of the guerrillas are in vain and still more are our sacrifices in lives and material used for these secret operations.The profit you get out of these operations is small when compared to your enormous financial expenses for this type of warfare and to the reprisals taken by the enemy against us, by executions, expulsions, setting fire to villages and towns, rape of women etc.

[18] The most famous act of the Greek resistance, the blowing up of the Gorgopotamos viaduct on the main railroad that linked Athens with Thessaloniki in November 1942 was organised by the SOE with government-in-exile first learning of the sabotage operation by reading the newspapers.

[21] George was a very good personal friend of Churchill, who throughout the war insisted that the king must return to Greece no matter what, and those British officials who questioned this policy were sidelined by the prime minister.

[23] In November 1943, a British officer, Major Donald Stott, arrived in Greece and contacted the leaders of all the Resistance groups except for EAM.

[25] Many senior German officials such as the Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler believed that the alliance of Britain and the Soviet Union would not last, and inevitably the British would be forced to ally with Germany against the Soviets, and as such Walter Schimana, the Higher SS Police Chief for Greece, and the diplomat Hermann Neubacher, approved of Stott's visit as the first step towards creating an anti-Soviet Anglo-German alliance.

[30] The first action of the new Papandreou government was to call a conference at the Grand Hotel du Bois de Boulogne in Beirut of all the leading Greek politicians together with representatives of the resistance groups including EAM, which concluded that after the war a referendum would be held on the question of the king's return, all of the andartes (guerrillas) were to accept authority of the government-in-exile, and the resistance groups were to enter the cabinet.