Hacienda
In Puerto Rico, haciendas were larger than estancias; ordinarily grew sugar cane, coffee, or cotton; and exported their crops abroad.
Estates were integrated into a market-based economy aimed at the Hispanic sector and cultivated crops such as sugar, wheat, fruits and vegetables and produced animal products such as meat, wool, leather, and tallow.
In central Mexico near indigenous communities and growing crops to supply urban markets, there was often a small, permanent workforce resident on the hacienda.
[10] Livestock were animals originally imported from Spain, including cattle, horses, sheep, and goats were part of the Columbian Exchange and produced significant ecological changes.
[11] Mounted ranch hands variously called vaqueros and gauchos (in the Southern Cone), among other terms worked for pastoral haciendas.
The unusually large and profitable Jesuit hacienda Santa Lucía, near Mexico City, established in 1576 and lasting to the expulsion in 1767, has been reconstructed by Herman Konrad from archival sources.
Likewise, Peru had haciendas until the Agrarian Reform (1969) of Juan Velasco Alvarado, who expropriated the land from the hacendados and redistributed it to the peasants.
[7] The Destruction of the Seven Cities following the battle of Curalaba (1598) meant for the Spanish the loss of both the main gold districts and the largest sources of indigenous labour.
[15] On the contrary open fields in southern Chile were overgrown as indigenous populations declined due to diseases introduced by the Spanish and intermittent warfare.
[16] The loss of the cities meant Spanish settlements in Chile became increasingly rural[17] with the hacienda gaining importance in economic and social matters.
[20][21] Initially Chilean haciendas could not meet the wheat demand due to a labour shortage, so had to incorporate temporary workers in addition to the permanent staff.
[27] In the Philippines, the hacienda system and lifestyles were influenced by the Spanish colonisation that occurred via Mexico for more than 300 years, but which only took off in the 1850s at the behest of Nicholas Loney,[28] an English businessman and the British Empire's vice-consul in the city of Iloílo.
[28][30] This deindustrialisation was to be accomplished through shifting labour and capital from Iloílo's textile industry (Hiligaynon: habol Ilonggo), the origins of which predate the arrival of the Castilians,[31] to sugar-production on the neighbouring island of Negros.
[28][29][32] These changes had the double effect of strengthening England and Scotland's textile industries at the expense of Iloílo's and satisfying the growing European demand for sugar.
[35][36] The expiration of the Laurel–Langley Agreement and the resultant collapse of the Negros sugar industry gave President Ferdinand E. E. Marcos the opening to strip the hacenderos of their self-appointed roles as kingmakers in national politics.
[37] Hopes were short-lived, however, as protests revolving around Hacienda Luisita,[38] as well as massacres and targeted assassinations in the Negros provinces,[39][40][41][42] continue to this day.
An estancia, during Spanish colonial times in Puerto Rico (1508[55] – 1898),[a] was a plot of land used for cultivating "frutos menores" (minor crops).
[57] Haciendas, unlike estancias, were equipped with industrial machinery used for processing its crops into derivatives such as juices, marmalades, flours, etc., for wholesale and exporting.
[58] Some "frutos menores" grown in estancias were rice, corn, beans, batatas, ñames, yautías, and pumpkins;[58] among fruits were plantains, bananas, oranges, avocados, and grapefruits.
