Henry Kissinger and the Vietnam War

[3] Kissinger called both Air Marshal Kỳ and General Thiệu immature men of low intelligence, remarks that Foise published and which drew the ire of President Lyndon B.

[5] In July 1967, Aubrac and Marcovitch went to Hanoi to see Ho, who told him that he was willing to open peace talks with the United States, provided that the Americans "unconditionally" stopped bombing North Vietnam.

In an article published in Foreign Affairs in January 1969, Kissinger criticized General William Westmoreland's attrition strategy because the Vietnamese Communists were willing to accept far higher losses on the battlefield than the United States and could therefore "win" as long as they did not "lose" by merely keeping the war going.

[19] The lengthy volume that emerged contained a diverse collection of opinions, with some stating the South Vietnamese were making "rapid strides," while others doubted that the government in Saigon would "ever constitute an effective political or military counter to the Vietcong".

[21] As part of the "linkage" concept, Kissinger in March 1969 sent Cyrus Vance to Moscow with the message that if the Soviet Union pressured North Vietnam into a diplomatic settlement favorable to the United States, the reward would be concessions on the talks on limiting the nuclear arms race.

[37] In 1981, Kissinger told the journalist Stanley Karnow: "I don't look back on our meetings with any great joy, yet he was a person of substance and discipline who defended the position he represented with dedication".

[39] Kissinger wrote in his memoirs that "historians rarely do justice to the psychological stress on a policy-maker", noting that by early 1970 Nixon was feeling very much besieged and inclined to lash out against a world he was believed was plotting his downfall.

[40] Nixon had been humiliated by having two successive nominees to the Supreme Court rejected by the Senate, his failure to end the Vietnam war in 1969 as he had promised had embittered him and in early 1970 his approval ratings in the polls were declining.

In his interview with Karnow, Kissinger maintained he felt torn about where he stood and blamed Nixon for his failure to find "the language of respect and compassion that might have created a bridge at least to the more reasonable elements of the antiwar movement".

[52] The bombing campaign in Cambodia contributed to the chaos of the Cambodian Civil War, which saw the forces of leader Lon Nol unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975.

[53][54] Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives after 1991 reveal that the North Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then second in command, Nuon Chea.

[67] In late 1970, Nixon and Kissinger became concerned that the North Vietnamese would launch a major offensive in 1972 to coincide with presidential election, making it imperative to cut the Ho Chi Minh Trail in 1971 to prevent the Communists from building up their forces.

[73] As a Jew who had grown up in Nazi Germany, Kissinger was haunted by how the Dolchstoßlegende had been used by the German right to delegitimatize the Weimar Republic, and believed that something similar would happen in the United States should it lose the Vietnam War, fueling the rise of right-wing extremism.

[76] Reflecting his increasing frustration with the war, Nixon often talked to Kissinger in a bloodthirsty manner about a "fantasy holocaust" in which he would have U.S. forces kill every living thing in North Vietnam and then pull out, leading the latter appalled by his own account.

[74] With the antiwar movement in decline by 1972, Nixon believed his chances of reelection were good, but Kissinger kept complaining that he was losing "negotiating assets" in his talks with Tho every time a withdrawal of American forces was announced.

[74] Reflecting Kissinger's weakening hand in his talks with Tho, by 1971–72, Nixon had increasingly come to believe that the "linkage" concept of improving relations with the Soviet Union and China in exchange for those nations cutting off the supply of weapons to North Vietnam offered his best chance of a favorable peace deal.

[79] As usual, when the Chinese increased their supply of arms to North Vietnam, the Soviet Union did likewise, as both Communist states competed with one another for influence in Hanoi by tying to be the biggest supplier of weapons.

[84] Though Kissinger in general shared Nixon's determination to be tough, he was afraid that the president would overreact and destroy the budding détente with the Soviet Union and China by striking too hard at North Vietnam.

[85] However, the sight of Nixon and Kissinger posing for photographs with Brezhnev and Mao deeply worried the North Vietnamese, who were afraid of being "sold out" by either China or the Soviet Union, causing some flexibility in their negotiating tactics.

[91] On 1 August 1972, Kissinger met Tho again in Paris, and for the first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that the political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.

[96] The "mutual withdrawal formula" was to be disregarded, with PAVN forces to stay in South Vietnam, with Tho giving Kissinger a vague promise that no more supplies would be sent down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

[96] Kissinger accepted Tho's offer as the best deal possible, saying that the "mutual withdrawal formula" had to be abandoned, as it had been "unobtainable through ten years of war...We could not make it a condition for a final settlement.

[104] As Thiệu sensed Nixon's changing mood, on 24 October 1972, he called a press conference to denounce the draft agreement as a betrayal and stated that the Viet Cong "must be wiped out quickly and mercilessly".

[104] Taking up Thiệu's cause as his own, Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement to be included in the final treaty and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Tho to accept them.

[106] Kissinger announced that the Americans wanted major changes to the peace agreement made in October to accommodate Thieu, which led Tho to accuse him of negotiating in bad faith.

[112] Kissinger finally offered the concession that the United States would use "maximum influence" to pressure the South Vietnamese government to release all Viet Cong prisoners within sixty days of a peace agreement being signed.

[118] On 15 March 1973, Nixon had implied during a speech that the United States might go back into Vietnam should the Communists violate the ceasefire, and, as a result, Congress began debating a bill to limit American funding for military operations in Southeast Asia.

[121] His assessment of Cambodia was even bleaker, as the Lon Nol regime had lost control of much of the countryside by the spring of 1973, and only American air strikes prevented the Khmer Rouge from taking Phnom Penh.

[118] On 4 June 1973, the Senate passed a bill that already cleared the House of Representatives to block funding for any American military operations in Indochina, and Kissinger spent much of the summer of 1973 lobbying Congress to extend the deadline to 15 August in order to keep bombing Cambodia.

[121] But Thiệu's unwillingness to crackdown on corruption and end the system under which ARVN officers were promoted for political loyalty instead of military merit were structural weaknesses that spelled long-term problems for his regime.