Henry Page left his considerable fortune including Fanhams Hall, a large country house and estate located in Ware, to his daughter Anne and her husband, Richard.

[2] In protest against what he perceived as the reactionary policy of Conservative leader Arthur Balfour, Croft founded the Reveille, a group that campaigned for imperialism and social reform.

[5] The National Party aimed for: "Complete victory in the war and after the war"; robust diplomacy along with increased armaments; the "eradication of German influence"; ending the sale of honours; maximum production along with fair wages and fair profit; safeguarding of industry and agriculture; Empire unity through mutual and reciprocal aid in development of the natural resources of the Empire; a social policy that will ensure a "patriotic race"; and demobilization and reconstruction.

On the sea our fleet was supreme and unchallengeable; we had a mighty army such as we had never possessed before; in the air our power had reached its zenith and was probably the largest, best manned and most finely equipped fighting force in that sphere.

[7]In February 1919 Croft denounced H. H. Asquith, Reginald McKenna, Walter Runciman, Arthur Henderson and Ramsay MacDonald as "the worse type of pacifist cranks": "It is very delightful to have been able to mention their names in this House.

[10] The Gladstonian liberal, R. B. McCallum, said Croft "was the authentic voice of triumphant, nationalist Toryism ... [he] represented the crude, philistine spirit of John Bullish nationalism.

[14] However, unlike Churchill, Croft supported the Munich Agreement, believing that the incorporation of the Sudetenland into Germany was inevitable and that Britain could not prevent it militarily due to insufficient British rearmament.

[18] Croft recognised the need to improve morale in the Army and wrote on 12 August 1940 of the need for education and entertainment to be provided to servicemen on a big scale: travelling cinemas, technical classes, correspondence courses, and morale-boosting stories of the Empire and regimental traditions.

[19] On 4 February 1942 Croft said in the Lords: There seems to be a feeling abroad that the rifle is essential as a weapon for all the Home Guard, and I should like to remind your Lordships that in the event of invasion in a great part of this country we shall be engaged in fighting of a close character.

If every platoon had its trained sections of grenade throwers or bombers there is no doubt that operating from trenches or from windows or doorways, or suddenly emerging round houses and cottages, they would he able to inflict great casualties upon an advancing enemy.

If I were organizing an attack—I am afraid this sounds rather absurd from one so aged as myself, but my noble friend Lord Mottistone, who I always feel is so much younger than many of us, would probably bear me out in this—I would rather have trained bombers for fighting in urban areas, and if a bombing attack could be swiftly followed up by cold steel, it would be most effective.

At every opportunity he advocated greater settlement by the British race in the Dominions and the strengthening of the bonds of Empire by every possible means, and he was a recognized if unofficial leader in Parliament of a group sharing his convictions and aspirations.

One article in Croft's political creed which he proclaimed long before voluntary National Service was instituted in 1938–39 was that citizens should require the State for guaranteeing the rights of private ownership by engaging in some form of public activity.

He was popular at the War Office and still much in request on the public platform, from which he could always put over a point effectively, though party politics suited his style and temperament better than the advocacy of the policy of a coalition.