They endured multiple waves of conquests for nearly two centuries and their core territory was described as having contained the regions of Eastern Afghanistan and Gandhara, encompassing the area up to the Sutlej river in modern day Punjab, expanding into the Kangra Valley.

based on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription; it has been assumed to be initiated by Kallar on his coronation, as was typically the case for most Hindu dynasties of medieval India.

[17] The 10th century Arab historian Masudi mentioned that in his time the kings of Gandhara were all called "" (which has been variously read Hajaj, J.haj or Ch'hach), Elliot transliterated the character to "Hahaj" and Cunningham had it equated to the Janjua tribe/clan, who were held to be descendants of the Rouran Khaganate.

[23] Rahman doubts this theory and instead transliterates to "J.haj", an Arabicised form of Chhachh, while the area of Gandhara itself was called "country of the Rahbūt" (Rājpūt)[24] which is even today the name of the region around the Hindu Shahi capital of Hund.

[23] In the 10th century, this region was occupied by the tribe of the Gakhars and Khokhars, who formed a large part of the Hindu Shahi army according to the Persian historian Firishta.

[38][39] The sole description of events comes from Al-Biruni:[f] Lagatarman's unbecoming manners had led his subjects to lodge multiple complaints with Kallar, who having chanced upon a treasure trove, was rapidly purchasing his way to power.

[44] and it has been adduced that Kallar may have felt insecure about the legitimacy of his rule as long as the imprisoned Turk Shahi ruler Lagaturman was alive, and hence affirmed his claim to leadership by such indirect titles.

[45] The 'Spalapati' series may also have been minted by the last Turk Shahi rulers instead as 'Pati Dumi', who was defeated by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Ma'mun, is described by Al-Azraqi and Al-Biruni as an 'Ispahbadh' ('Warlord'), equivalent to the title Spalapati.

[48] Numismatist and historian Michael Alram's publications take note of this view;[49] however some scholars attribute the entirety of the bull/horserider coinage, including the Spalapati series, to the Hindu Shahis.

[58] It is speculated that this governor was some blood relation of Samanta who was favourably inclined to Islam and went on to take the title of Khudarayaka (Small King) as ascertainable from a series of coins.

[64][h] Rajat., v, 232-33: As superintendent of the treasury he (Prabhakaradeva, the prime minister of Gopalavarman - the successor of Samkaravarman ) plundered the riches of the amorous (queen) and vanquished the Sahi kingdom at Udabhanda.

[67][i] Mentioned as 'Bhima' in Al-Biruni's list, and identified with the Śri Bhīmadeva coin series, Bhimadeva was one of the most accomplished rulers of the Hindu Shahis alongside Lalliya.

[70] In the final years of Bhima's reign in c. 962, Alp-Tegin, a rebel Turkish chief of the Samanid Empire, had annexed the regions of Zabulistan and Kabul with the aim of waging holy war against the Lawik dynasty and the Hindu Shahis.

The Lawik king fled to the Shahi domain in hopes of gaining re-inforcements to conquer the lost territory and in c. 963 Bhimadeva was successful in capturing Ghazni.

...The king of that (country) is (now) Jayapaladeva, who, through his body, origin, and birth, has become the sole hero, whose very pure fame, having left heaven, has attained the eternal abode of Brahman.... Bhima's death is chronologically placed within the span of 964 to 965 CE.

The Hund Slab Inscription attributes his passing to him 'burning himself through Shivas desire but not through the terrible enemy', suggesting a ritualistic suicide, and the absence of any noted political setbacks further supports the inference that his death occurred under such circumstances.

[72] Bhimadeva's successors would all have the surname of "Pala", and Muslim sources give hazy indications of a successional dispute, leading many to suggest that the same family was not ruling anymore.

[18][j] Bilgetegin succeeded Abu Ishaq Ibrahim on the occasion of his death in November 966, and ruled for about nine years, before being assassinated during his invasion of Gardiz, the last bastion of the Lawiks.

[84] Sabuktigin refused to believe that the treaty had been breached, but once it was established beyond doubt, he plundered the frontier town of Lamghan: temples were demolished and houses burnt down.

[88] The Ghaznavids breached the enemy lines repeatedly using light attacks and followed them with an all-out assault, routing the Shahis who had to flee beyond the Indus despite their overwhelming numerical superiority.

[103] Others like al-Ansab note that Mahmud had rejected his request for pardon but allowed him to be free in lieu of a payment of 2.5 million dirhams and 50 war-elephants around March 1002, which Rahman finds more likely.

[122] Taking advantage of this delay, Trilochanapala tasked his son Bhimapala with arranging Shahi troops and went to Kashmir, where he received a battalion from king Sangramaraja of the Lohara dynasty, commanded by Tunga.

[125] An initial round of success against a Ghaznavid reconnaissance party contributed to Tunga's pride and he then mounted a disastrous maneuver without consulting experienced Shahi generals, ensuring another crippling defeat coupled with a total loss of territory, west of Tausi.

[125] But the fatal encounter with Mahmud ensured that Trilochanapala had nowhere but the Siwaliks to retreat into and compelled him to enter into a peace treaty, even offering his son to be married to the daughter of Chandar.

[129] Subsequently, Trilochanapala planned to move away, probably to join Vidyadhara's forces for the main faceoff, but a swift charge by Mahmud's troops inflicted yet another resounding defeat.

[132] Adab al-harb—a manual of state-craft produced during the times of Iltutmish, which contains a host of unique information about the Ghaznavids—note that in 1040, one Sandbal, a grandson of the Kabul Shah, marched towards Lahore seeking to utilize the imprisonment of Masʽud I and resulting political instability to his favor.

[142] Meister notes a typical Hindu Shahi temple to have two ground-level chambers embedded within a tower leading to a minaret like appearance with an ambulatory at the top, that is accessible by a stairwell.

[7] Enmity towards the Hindu-majority India (also see Pakistan textbook controversy) & glorification of Mahmud Sebuktegin by the Pakistani government is considered to be main reasons behind lack of scholarship on pre-Islamic regional polities of the country.

[152] Colonial scholars—James Prinsep, Alexander Cunningham, Henry Miers Elliot, Edward Thomas et al.—had published on the Hindu Shahis, primarily from a numismatic perspective.

[153] The first comprehensive volume on the subject appeared in 1972 by Yogendra Mishra, a professor in the Department of History of Patna University; he explored the Rajatarangini meticulously but lacked in numismatics and paleography.