[2] The Associated Press, citing Manuel Orozco of the Inter American Dialogue, said that "His [Zelaya's] campaign for changing the constitution has energized his support base of labour groups, farmers and civil organisations who have long felt marginalized in a country where a wealthy elite controls the media and much of politics.
This is where the formal change proposed by Manuel Zelaya comes in: that in the November 2009 election-round, the voters will be presented with four ballot-boxes - the fourth one being used for a referendum on the question: "Do you agree with convening a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution?"
Most members of the political class have been in agreement with the idea - but most too are unhappy with the man promoting it; in great part because lurking behind the fourth ballot-box they see... Hugo Chávez's shadow.
"[3] Newt Gingrich wrote in the Washington Examiner that Chavez had used ALBA to create "a tide of incipient dictatorship" flowing out of Venezuela into other countries in Latin America.
[12] Some of the topics of a constitutional convention include social order; the establishment of a recall mechanism for politicians; actual freedom of the press through equitable access; economic liberty with social responsibility; authentic political liberty resulting in a representative democracy where politicians are responsible to their electorate instead of their party; more consultation of the populace; and other suggested topics.
[13][14][15] For minorities like the 400,000 ethnic Garifunas it held the promise of winning long-sought rights, such as proportional representation and legal title to communal and ancestral land.
[16] The Foreign Policy magazine's coverage stated there was nothing ideological about Zelaya's plan, noting that he never bothered to explain what kind of constitution he wanted, other than one that allowed his own reelection.
The article concluded "In that respect, Zelaya is less a disciple of Chávez than of Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, another unsavory character bereft of any ideal other than staying in power by hook or by crook.
[19][20][21] As early as August 2006, Central America report stated that "liberal sectors" were proposing to reform " 'obsolete articles' " in the constitution, including one against presidential reelection.
The fourth ballot, which would be in addition to the usual ones for presidential, congressional and local elections, would ask voters whether they wanted to hold a National Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution.
[24] Zelaya pointed out on at least one occasion (26 June) that since the electorate's decision whether to convoke a constituent assembly would not be made until 29 November 2009 – simultaneously with the presidential election – any constitutional changes that might result would be too late to allow him to run for reelection.
[26] On February 17, at a public showcasing of tractor equipment received from Venezuela, Manuel Zelaya states that he will propose a fourth ballot box.
[27] On 24 March 2009, Zelaya called for a preliminary poll to be held on 28 June 2009 to gauge popular support for the idea of including the Constituent Assembly question in the November 2009 election.
[28] The question to be asked in this preliminary poll was: Do you agree that in the general elections of November 2009 there be included a fourth ballot in which the people decide whether to convoke a National Constituent Assembly?
An example of this type of coverage is the German newspaper, Die Welt, which wrote "Opponents of Zelaya believe he was pushing the limits of democracy with his drive to extend the single four-year term of presidents to allow re-election.
"[30] As noted above, Zelaya pointed out on at least one occasion (26 June) that since the electorate's decision whether to convoke a constituent assembly would not be made until 29 November 2009 – simultaneously with the presidential election – any constitutional changes that might eventually result would be too late to allow him to run for reelection.
[36] On 25 March, the Attorney General's office formally notified President Zelaya that he would face criminal charges of abusing power if he proceeded with the referendum.
[49][50] On the afternoon of June 25, Zelaya led several hundred people to the Hernan Acosta Mejia air force base and took possession of the disputed poll ballots, which he then kept in the presidential palace to avoid their destruction.
The National Human Rights Commissioner, Ramón Custodio, said "I would tell the people to stay calmly at home in order not to get involved in any incident or any violence by going to vote 'no,' because they might be assaulted by these mobs," referring to Zelaya's supporters, who also were going to handle poll materials and count ballots.