[9] However, the effects of this movement were far reaching as it spurred the emergence of a newer generation of Indians from the Congress Party such as, Jawaharlal Nehru, C. Rajagopalachari and Subhas Chandra Bose (who would eventually become the leader of the INA) who would later on actively advocate for India's independence.
[1] It was estimated that were some 37 000 Indian troops stationed in these areas, making up roughly about the 40 percent of the total military strength of the British forces.
[1] As such, due to a combination of the above-mentioned factors and conditions, by 1941, the morale of the Indian Army troops was very low and this set up the stage for many soldiers to switch loyalties to the Japanese in 1942.
As the first step in his efforts, Major Fujiwara sought out the highly popular but controversial Indian Nationalist, Pritam Singh who had fled from India to avoid arrest by the British government.
During these meetings, Pritam managed to convince Fujiwara that the loyalties of the British Indian soldiers could only be attained if the Japanese authorities would promise the future prisoners of war the sparring of their lives.
[1] Additionally, Pritam also persuaded Fujiwara to assure the British-Indian soldiers that the Japanese forces would assist the Indians in gaining independence from British colonial rule.
Major Fujiwara guaranteed Pritam Singh that they did not harbour any “political, economic, cultural or religious”[11] intentions in India and they would respect the “property and freedom of Indians in territory that came under the sway of the Japanese”.
[3] As they advanced towards Northern Malaya in December 1941, the Japanese forces were able to capture British-Indian soldiers from the 1/14 Punjab regiment and their leader Mohan Singh who would go on to lead the INA later.
[11] Consequently, Mohan Singh was told to immediately head a propaganda movement in order to convince British-Indian soldiers to join the newly formed INA.
[4][1] It was only when the charismatic Mohan Singh addressed them next, urging them to “seize the opportunity and rise for the motherland”[13] that the POWs begun to seriously consider the proposal to join the INA.
During these early months, it was reported that roughly 50 000 Chinese in Singapore and the Malayan Peninsula were brutally killed in what is now known as the ‘Sook Ching Massacre’ .
[18] Even though it was initially largely believed that many POWs joined the INA because of a burst of nationalistic consciousness, in recent years, it has been uncovered through the reading of other court documents and previously classified government documents[2] that there were other compelling reasons such as anger towards the British officials, the perceived sense of security offered by the Japanese in exchange for the loyalty of the POWs and also the promise of escape from malnutrition and starvation .
[19] In a blatant violation of the conditions set by Mohan Singh prior to the formation of the INA, which would later serve as a source of conflict between Singh and the Japanese forces, the POWs who chose to not join the INA were subject to great physical and mental torture as they were sent to ‘concentration camps’, where they were deprived of food, medical aid and other basic rights.
[1] When Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Singapore in July 1943 to materialise the goal of an independent India, and he mobilised the Indian manpower including civilians and financial resources in East and South-East Asia.
We call upon them to launch the final struggle against the British and their allies in India and to prosecute that struggle with valour and perseverance and full faith in final victory until the enemy is expelled from Indian soil and the Indian people are once again a Free Nation.The Cathay Building, which was earlier used as cinema, hotel, nightclub, restaurant, etc.
[29] After the capture of Mohan Singh, the Japanese forces enlisted the help of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose to revive and lead the INA.
He engaged in various propaganda measures, most notably, he called for the construction of a memorial in remembrance of the Indian soldiers who died for the INA's cause.
In his speech, he asserted that:“A glorious chapter in the History of India's struggle for Freedom has come to a close and, in that chapter, the sons and daughters of India in East Asia will have an undying place.…You sent an unending stream of your sons and daughters to the camps to be trained as soldiers of the Azad Hind Fauj and of the Rani of Jhansi Regiment.
One British officer observed: "In the eleven months which had ... elapsed since the first contacts of the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force with the mass of the I.N.A.
[12] In fact, some authors have argued that these realizations greatly shaped the policy of the British towards the Indian forces in the next few years before India achieved independence in 1947.
[12] The Muslim League, Hindu religious groups such as the Mahasabha and Akali Dal, and the Socialist leaders all came together to lend their support to the INA soldiers.
[12] This would eventually play an important role in the Indian National Congress winning the first general elections in 1947, following the departure of the British.
Other smaller PoW camps housing Indian troops were set up at Bidadari, Tyersall, Buller (Queenstown), Seletar and Kranji.
[39][40] Padang (literally "the field" in Malay language), where Subhas Chandra Bose addressed the INA soldiers several times.
On 5 August 1943 in another address at Padang he inspired, and received overwhelming response, when he questioned the soldiers if they felt "Jai Hind" (Victory for India) and "Chalo Dhili" (Lets march on Delhi) slogans were essential part of their spirit.
[46] This plaque was erected by the National Heritage Board, with financial donations from the Indian community in Singapore, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of World War II.
[47] Tyersall Park which housed British Indian Army hospital which was bombed by the Japanese forces prior to their invasion of Singapore.
After the invasion, it served as one of seven POW camps for interned Indian Army personnel who later became part of INA in Singapore under Lieutenant Colonel Gurbaksh Singh (not to be confused with INA General Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon) of the Jind State force, comprising jats and other troops mainly from Haryana and Punjab.
[51] These accounts often omit the information of the INA soldiers fighting for the Japanese forces, under whom the Chinese population had endured great hardship.
This exclusion about details of the INA from the historical narrative helped to create a sense of identity and unity in a rather fragmented society at that time.